PONTIFICIUM INSTITUTUM BIBLICUM
VOL. 85
NOVA SERIES
Estratto
A. Archi, Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
2 0 1 6
FASC. 1
S U M M A R I U M
Commentationes
A. Archi, Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
J. Groen, On the Phonology of Second Millennium bce Northwest Semitic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1-49
50-72
Animadversiones
G. Torri, “How They Take Away the Tears from the Deity” : A Ritual
Ceremony in Hittite Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
M. Cammarosano, Kaššu, King of Tummanna : Bo 91/944 and L. 73
“AUDIRE” (Tab. I) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
K. Trehuedic, Timbres amphoriques au Pontifical Biblical Institute de
Jérusalem (Tab. II-III) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
73-78
79-83
84-88
Res bibliographicae
J. Bauer, Berichtigungen und Anregungen zu den von der Cuneiform
Digital Library Initiative (CDLI) veröffentlichten Umschriften der
als NATN von D. I. Owen publizierten Texte aus Nippur . . . . . . . .
M. Erlach, Bemerkungen zu einer hethitischen Raumgrammatik . . . . .
89-108
109-121
Recensiones
A. Stauder, The Earlier Egyptian Passive : Voice and Perspective
(A. Pries) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
M. Brose, Grammatik der dokumentarischen Texte des Mittleren
Reiches (A. Pries) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
K. Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der Spätzeit, Teil IV: Die 26. Dynastie
(A. J. Peden) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
M. Salvini, Les textes hourrites de Meskéné/Emar (St. de Martino) . .
J. Linke, Das Charisma der Könige : Zur Konzeption des altorientalischen Königtums im Hinblick auf Urartu (M. Salvini) . . . . . . . . . .
P. Stein, Lehrbuch der sabäischen Sprache (A. Agostini) . . . . . . . . . . .
A. Hasznos, Graeco-Coptica: Greek and Coptic Clause Patterns
(Ph. Luisier) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Libri ad Directionem missi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
122-125
125-128
129-131
131-133
133-140
140-143
144-146
147-148
1
C O M M E N TAT I O N E S
Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
Elephas indicus culices non timet
Alfonso Archi
During the twenty years before its destruction (ca 2355-2335 b.c.) Ebla kept up
a regular exchange of ceremonial gifts with Dugurasu, a city beyond the usual range
of its diplomatic relations. The messengers of Dugurasu reached first Dulu (a city
under Ebla’s hegemony) and moved then on to Ebla usually accompanying on its
way a delegation of Dulu. Dulu was close to the kingdom of Armi(um), and shared
some personal names with its onomasticon. Armi(um) has been identified with Old
Akkadian Armānum, later Samsat, on the banks of the Euphrates. It seems therefore
reasonable to identify Dugurasu with Tukriš of the Mesopotamian documents, a city
in Iranian Kurdistan, also mentioned in the Sumerian epic. Ebla kept up relations also
with Gasur, about 80 km east of Assur, and Ḫamazi, north of Elam. The identification
of Irbilum with modern Erbil also seems certain. Northern Iran was connected already
in the 3rd millennium b.c. with eastern Anatolia and northern Syria through the route
used by the Assyrian merchants, which passed north of the Ğebel Sinjār and then
reached Samsat, where carvans could ford the Euphrates.
1. Egyptian objects in Ebla and Tell Afis 1
The discovery of Ebla justifies the enthusiasm displayed by those who
have worked on the information that has emerged from the city, be they
archaeologists, philologists or historians. The author of this paper is no exception, and he has tried to show how the Ebla texts have revolutionised our
traditional understanding of relations between Babylonia and Syria during the
24th century b.c. It appears now that the two regions, at that time, formed
an integrated political system, contrary to the impression given by the Old
1
Special abbreviations : Ibr. : Ibrium, the last-but-one minister ; IZ : Ibbi-zikir, son of
Ibrium, the last minister ; AAM : Annual Account of expended (è) Metals ; MAT : Monthly
Account of expended (è) of Textiles ; mu-DU : Annual account of clothes and metals delivered
(mu-DU) to the central administration ; EBA : Early Bronze Age ; MBA : Middle Bronze Age ;
LBA : Late Bronze Age.
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Alfonso Archi
Akkadian royal inscriptions, which represent Northern Syria as a no-man’s
land (Archi 2014 and 2015). There is even evidence that Ebla and some Iranian
cities tried to establish relations, although with different results, and without,
however, having any influence on the balances of power at play between the
different regions. Starting with his first paper, however, the present writer also
criticised opinions which, to him, appeared to be inadequately documented
(Archi 1979), and has only occasionally had to later adjust his thesis in the
light of further knowledge gleaned from the available documentation.
The Egyptian stone vessels found in Byblos, going back to the IV, and the
VI Dynasties, on the one hand and, on the other, the fragments of cups (two
inscribed with the name of Khafre) from Ebla, and the two fragments from
Tell Afis, all of the IV Dynasty, together with a lid with the name of Pepy from
Ebla (objects dated, therefore, to two kings separated by over 250 years) 2 raise
the question of whether Ebla, a state of regional dimensions that dominated
Northern Syria from the last decades of the 25th century until its destruction
(ca 2335 b.c.), came into direct contact with Egypt or, if such contact was
indirect, through which channels this may have occurred.
2. DU-luki = Byblos ?
G. Pettinato, the first to have ventured to study the texts from Ebla, suggested that indirect contacts with Egypt could have taken place. The Sumerian
lexical list TM.75.G.1521 (MEE III 44) ends with a list of cities of Southern
Babylonia, starting with Uruk and ending with Elam ; this is followed by three
toponyms only in part preserved, and (in the last two lines, rev. I 2-3) by
DUki / DUki. Pettinato’s comment is : “La ripetizione potrebbe autorizzarci a
pensare ad un paese dalla doppia configurazione o geografica o politica e mi
chiedo se sotto DUki.DUki non si possa nascondere il nome dell’Egitto che
altrimenti sembra completamente assente dalla documentazione epigrafica di
Ebla, nonostante i rapporti dimostrabilmente intercorsi tra i due stati” (MEE
III : 142-143). This was just a cautious proposal. On the contrary, Pettinato
2
For the material from Ebla, see Scandone Matthiae 1979 ; Ead. 1981. She describes this
material as follows : “La chaleur de l’incendie ... abîmé les fragments de vases en albâtre ...
39 fragments sont assez identifiables : parties de coupes, de plats, de lampes, de bois, de jarres
et un couvercle rond, qui est la pièce la plus important parmi les albâtres ... On a pu identifier
19 parties des vases (en diorite) aux morphologies differentes : coupes carinées, coupes semisphériques et une lampe à quatre becs” (Scandone Matthiae 1988 : 67). She has noted, further,
that because the majority of vessels (85%) are bowls or lamps, this would preclude them as
containers for perfumes, oils, unguents or other exotic products (Scandone Matthiae 1981 : 125).
The fragments of two cups from Tell Afis have been published in Scandone Matthiae 1995. For
an overview of the material from Byblos and Ebla, see Sowada 2009 : 218-223.
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Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
3
located with certainty Byblos in DU-luki, a name read by him Gub-luki, also
because this city “è menzionata molto spesso assieme ad Arḫatu (Bīt Arḫa)” 3.
The present writer, rejecting this thesis, countered it by saying that
DU-lu/lumki occurs usually after Ursaᵓum (Uršum) and before Iritum (Irrite)
and Ḫarran in lists of gifts given by Ebla to its allied city-states. These three
cities were located immediately north of the present Syrian-Turkish border.
“This sequence, which is quite frequent, undoubtedly favours a location of
this city north of Aleppo” (Archi 1980 : 3). There is no reason, therefore, for
giving an ad hoc value gub to the sign DU 4. Moreover, the oldest spelling of
the name of Byblos is given in a Ur III text as Gu5(KU)-ub-laki (Sollberger
1959/60), while the OB spelling is Gu-ub-la(-a)ki, in both cases with the name
in the dual form, as well as in Arabic.
Since Byblos, according to Pettinato’s theory, would be the best candidate as the go-between in indirect contact between Ebla and Egypt, the present
writer has returned to this subject a number of times. In ARES II : 210-211
he considered in favour of the reading Du-lu(m)ki the fact that only for this
city is the PN Du-lu attested (ARET XIX 6 rev. V 9) 5, and that the name of
one of its kings was Gi-dar-du-lum (TM.75.G.2274 obv. iii 7-9). To these two
names one has to add another one with the ending -du/ti-lu(m) : Ar-ra-du-lum /
Ar-ra-ti-lu. These are variants of the same name which is that of an important
representative of the king of this city (ARES II : 204-205). The present writer
noted further the strange alternation in the spelling of the name of this city :
Du-lu/ru12ki 6, and has stressed the relations between Dulu(m) and Armi, a city
which he placed on the banks of the Euphrates, in the plain of Samsat (probably
Samsat itself) (Archi 2011 : 7-8, passages nos. 3 and 10). Having noted that the
3
This quotation is from Pettinato 1983 : 109 ; it follows there a long list of passages concerning DU-luki (pp. 110-117). Pettinato (p. 108) believed he had also identified the following
“città fenicie” : Beyrut = Ba-u9-ra-at/tùki ; Tyre = Za-a-ru12/ar ki ; Sidon = Şí-du6 -na-aki. For these
three supposed “Phoenician cities”, see ARES II, s. v. Moreover, according to Pettinato (1983 :
108), the following cities of the Levant were included in the ED List of Geographic Names,
which he published as MEE III 56 (TM.75.G.2231) : Ugarit, Arwad, Şumur, Batruna, Byblos
(no. 257 : DU-lumki), Sarepta, and Akziv. Today there is not doubt that this list was composed
in Babylonia and included GNs of Northern Babylonia. The passages concerning DUlu have
been discussed in Pettinato 1986 : 245-250.
4
Krebernik (1982 : 185) also stated that : “für diesen Lautwert (gub) fehlen eindeutige
Hinweise”. According to von SodenvRöllig (1991 : 24) a value gub for DU (derived from
Sumerian) is attested to only from the Middle Babylonian period on.
5
This text, quoted at that time with the inventory number TM.75.G.1319, is now published
as ARET XIX 6 ; section 46 has : 1 gu-zi-mug-TÚG Du-lu Du-luki.
6
The fact that both the king and the queen performed a cleansing ritual (a-tu5) in Duru12ki, while in another text it is stated that the queen performed this ceremony in Dulu (a-tu 5
ma-lik-tum in Du-luki) is perhaps to be explained by assuming the existence of a small centre
called Duru close to Ebla, because /r/ at Ebla can be expressed with signs of the series L, but
/l/ cannot stand for /r/ (Archi 1997 : 420). This rule is not absolute, however, because one even
finds Ib-raki for Ib-laki (ARET IX 104 obv. iii 3)!
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Alfonso Archi
name-giving tradition of Armi was only in part Semitic, therefore unlike that
of Ebla, he remarked further that some names known from Dulu occur also in
Armi (Archi 2011 : 24) 7. He even dared to suggest that Dulu could be located
at Titriș (approximately 45 km north of Urfa) (2011 : 32). From the period of
the minister Ibrium, Dulu belonged to the circuit of those city-states which
received yearly clothes from Ebla and had to send to Ebla in return a small
tribute (mostly silver) (Archi 2016b ; ARET XIV, index of GNs).
3. A suggested name for Egypt
The publication of the biographic inscription of Iny, an official of the
sixth Dynasty of Egypt (Marcolin 2010) was the occasion of the resumption
of the question.
“(This) inscription deals with an official, Iny, who was sent by Pharaoh to some
unknown places in Asia, certainly beyond Byblos and Lebanon, in order to provide
some products highly requested in Egypt and possessing a special significance ... lapis
lazuli, tin or ‛white lead’, silver, and bitumen. ... (The) trip to Byblos had as its
departure point R-ḥBt, a place name hitherto known only from later sources, which may
mean ‛the beginning’ or ‛the mouth (of the river)’, and that may be the clue. The term
occurs again several times (also in the plural) in documents of the second millennium
b.c., with a meaning ‛the mouths (of the Nile branches)’” (Roccati 2015 : 156-157).
I am unable to report the reasoning followed by Roccati in order to make
Dugurasu phonetically equivalent to R-ḥBt, pl. Rw-ḥBwt. The factual data, provided to Roccati by M. G. Biga, are reported by him in this way : “lapis lazuli
and silver were delivered to Dugurasu, an unknown country that provided
a lot of gold and linen textiles. That trade allows a unique answer to locate
Dugurasu : Dugurasu = Egypt” (Roccati 20015 : 157).
Biga took the opportunity to present her thesis in the proceedings of two
meetings. In a first contribution she asserts :
“It seems highly improbable that the kingdom of Ebla did not have any relation
with Byblos, which was surely very important at that time and not too far away. ...
there is no better candidate for Byblos in the Ebla texts than DUlu. A reading of
the sign ‛DU’ as gub is quite possible, and the absence of the dual (attested in the
writing of Gubla in the second millennium) cannot be a big problem ; in the Egyptian
texts the name of Byblos is not a dual form. There is no decisive proof of a direct
7
Bonechi (1993 : 112) had already noted the similarity between the name-giving of Dulu
and that of Armi, but he limited himself to suggesting that these non-Semitic names indicate
“un possibile riferimento all’area costiera mediterranea siro-cilicia”. See the name : A-ra-lu /
Ar-a-lu, and cfr. A/Ar-ra-da ; Ar-ra-ti-lu/-du-lum). The personal names from Dulu are collected
in ARES II : 206-207 ; for those from Armi, see Archi 2011 : 21-24.
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Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
5
trade relationship between Syria and Egypt at the time of the 6th Dynasty. ... Gifts
of conspicuous quantities of lapislazuli, tin and silver from the Ebla court are sent
only to the king of Dugurasu, a king who never went to Ebla to swear allegiance ;
from Dugurasu, objects of gold, linen textiles and quantities of precious stones of
different colours and precious vases made of a stone that may be alabaster (the same
objects that come from DUlu) are sent as a gift to the Ebla court. The products sent
by Ebla to Dugurasu are identical with the products the functionary Iny went to buy
in Syria. DUlu and Dugurasu are often mentioned together. ... Several functionaries
(of Dugurasu) are described as having relationships with Eblaite merchants and their
names are clearly not Semitic and can be better explained as Egyptian names. ... All
these elements prove that identifying Dugurasu with an Egyptian region or with an
Egyptian city is quite possible ” (Biga 2014a : 97-99).
In her second study Biga simply reasserts her deductions :
“Il y avait un lien entre le deux zones, celle de Dulu et celle de Dugurasu,
une sorte de continuité ou un raccordement géographique. ... À partir de ce texte,
on apprend que de grandes quantités de lapis-lazuli sont arrivées en un an de Mari à
Ébla, qui ensuite procédait à la répartition, notamment en direction de l’Égypte, grand
utilisateur de lapis-lazuli. Il est impossible de ne pas remarquer que la plus grande
quantité de tissus de lin arrivant à Ébla, provient toujours et uniquement de Dulu
et de Dugurasu. Il me semble très peu probable qu’il y ait deux grands centres de
production de lin sur les rives de l’Euphrate, à la fois en Haute Syrie et en Anatolie.
... Le cuivre, l’albâtre et le lin arrivent à Ébla de Dugurasu. L’or n’est pas un métal
venant d’Anatolie. Le cuivre, en revanche, provient d’Anatolie, mais l’Égypte a aussi
de nombreuses mines de cuivre dans le Sinaï” (Biga 2014b : 177-178).
Considering the stir made by these statements, and the endorsement of
Biga’s thesis in some international meetings, the identity of Dugurasu deserves
a detailed evaluation of the data.
4. The sources concerning Dugurasu 8
4.1. K
ing Irkab-damu v minister Arrukum (years 40-36 before the destruction
of Ebla)
[1] MAT v ARET XV 31 § 95 : “(5 + 5 garments [.....]) 4 guruš Du-luki
1 guruš Du-gú-ra-zuki”.
Four and one men, no more precisely qualified (guruš means also “worker”),
respectively of Dulu and Dugurasu, received at Ebla some garments. This is chronologically the first evidence that Dugurasu was in direct relation with Dulu, a city much
more often mentioned, and, therefore, much closer to Ebla.
8
A first list of passages concerning Dugurasu was given in ARES II : 204-205.
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Alfonso Archi
4.2. K
ing Išar-damu v minister Ibrium (years 35-18 before the destruction of
Ebla)
a) Goods sent to Dugurasu or given by Ebla to its messengers
[2] AAM Ibr. (year) 7 v TM.75.G.1904(+) obv. vi 1-2 : ] DU.DU
Du-gú-ra-suki.
[3] AAM Ibr. 14 v TM.75.G.1730(+) rev. viii 19 v ix 2 : “10 shekels of tin
to be alloyed with 70 shekels of refined copper for making 3 daggers mar-tu
(for) a chief of Ibal who went (to) Dugurasu to hand over (these items) (ugula
Ib-al6ki DU.DU Du-gú-ra-suki šu-mu-“tag4”) ; 20 shekels of silver : his travel
provisions (níg-kaskal)”.
[4] AAM Ibr. 16 v TM.75.G.2465 rev. xvi 11-14 : “2 minas (940 g) of
silver, 2 minas of tin (for) the king of Dugurasu (en Du-gú-ra-suki)”.
[5] MAT v ARET XIX 4 obv. ix 3-7 : (clothing) A-bù-ma-lik dumu-nita
I-bí-zi-kir DU.DU Du-gú-ra-suki.
[6] MAT – 75.2594 obv. ix 3-10 : (clothing) In-ne-PAP wa A-rí-mu
Áb-zuki DU.DU si-in Du-gú-ra-suki ; xii 13-18 : 5 ma-na (2.35 kg) za-gìn 1
túg-gùn 1 aktum-TÚG 1 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 1 gír mar-tu kù-gi níg-ba en
Du-gú-ra-suki ; xiii 14-XIV 8 : 3 gu-dùl-TÚG 3 sal-TÚG 3 íb-III-gùn-TÚG 3
níg-lá-sag Za-na-ga wa ᵓÀ-NE-nu wa [PN] [DU.D]U si-in Du-gú-ra-suki 25
gín kù-babbar 10 ma-na a-gar5 a-lu-ra-tum níg-kaskal-sù.
Ebla sent to Dugurasu some garments and 2.35 kg of lapis lazuli. 196 g of
silver and 4.70 kg of refined copper were given to the three messengers for covering
travel costs.
[7] MAT v 75.10251 rev. ii 5-10 : 1 gu-dùl-TÚG 1 sal-TÚG 1 íb-III-gùnTÚG Za-na-ga Ib-al6ki ì-ti mi-nu Du-gú-ra-suki.
b) Goods received by Ebla
[8] mu-DU Ibr. 14 v ARET XIV 67 § 31 : 1 gada-TÚG mu4mu 2 kirna-na maḫ 7 kir-na-nu 1 zú GÁxAN 1 dib na4 5 gu si4 2 gu na4 babbar 2 gu
na4 babbar 6 gu nap-ḫu šè-li 1 mu-ru12 1 GIŠ-šú tur 1 mi-at gu šè-li 6 ma-na
urudu 1 NE-gar mu-DU Du-luki // § 32 : 1 kir-na-nu maḫ 6 kir-na-nu tur 1
gada-TÚG pad-sù ḫul 4 zú GÁxAN 100 gu šè-li 2 gu si4-si4 2 gu nap-ḫu šè-li
8 gu gú-mi-nu mu-DU Du-gú-ra-suki // § 33 : 1 kir-na-nu maḫ 10 kir-na-nu tur
... 48 ma-na urudu mu-DU Ar-ra-du-lum Du-luki en.
In § 33 it is stated that the goods sent by Arra-dulum of Dulu are “(for) the
king (of Ebla)”. The “deliveries”, mu-DU, from Dulu and those from Dugurasu are
similar : some garments of flax (kir-na-nu) ; several strings of semiprecious stones ;
some objects. The two deliveries by Dulu include moreover a considerable amount of
copper : 6 + 48 minas (25,38 kg).
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Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
7
[9] mu-DU Ibr. 16 v ARET XIV 16 § 44 : 18,5 gín DILMUN kù-gi 1
GIŠ-šú 1 níg-bànda 1 GIŠ-šú 1 níg-bànda 1 ḫu-BE-am6 6 gada-TÚG 4 zú
AN.AMBAR 60 gu šè-li mu-DU Du-gú-ra-suki en // § 45 : 14 gín DILMUN
kù-gi 1 an-zamx 1 ma-da-ḫu 3 gada-TÚG 1 gu si4 1 gu nap-ḫu 20 gu šè-li
mu-DU Du-gú-ra-suki ama-gal en.
The two deliveries, one for the king of Ebla and the other for his mother
(ama-gal en, i.e. Dusigu) are similar : 18,5 / 14 shekels of gold (140 / 110 g), which
are the weight of some vessels ; further, some garments of flax and some strings of
semiprecious stones.
4.3. K
ing Išar-damu v minister Ibbi-zikir (years 17-1 before the destruction
of Ebla)
a) Goods sent to Dugurasu
[10] AAM IZ 5 v TM.75.G.1918 rev. i 25 v ii 12 : “35 shekels of silver :
value of 1 dagger mar-tu (decorated with) gold (for) the king of Dugurasu
(en Du-gú-ra-suki) ; 20 shekels of silver : travel provisions (níg-kaskal) (for)
Ì-lum-bal of Kakmium, ᵓÀ-bí (and) Ma-gal, who were the messengers (kas4)
(who) went to Dugurasu”.
[11] AAM IZ 8 v TM.75.G.2428 (MEE XII 35) obv. xxii 1-31 : “2 minas
of tin, 2 minas of lapis : gift (for) the king of Dugurasu (níg-ba en Du-gúra-suki) (which) ᵓÀ-wa has handed over. 1 mina of tin, 10 shekels of silver :
1 bracelet, 2 shekels of gold for decorating it : gift (for) ᵓÀ-wa. 20 shekels of
gold : 1 light plate (for) I-ti-gú. 20 shekels of silver : travel provisions (for)
I-ti-gú Ì-lum-bal Ma-gal Puzur4-ra-ḫa-al6.
[12] AAM IZ 9 v TM.75.G.2508 obv. xxii 23-38 : “2 minas (940 g) of
silver, 2 minas of tin, 2 minas of lapis : gift (for) the king of Dugurasu (níg-ba
en Du-gú-ra-suki). 1 mina of tin, 10 shekels of silver : 1 bracelet, 2 shekels of
gold for decorating i : gift (for) ᵓÀ-wa of Dugurasu (Du-gú-ra-zuki).
[13] AAM IZ 12 v TM.76.G.534 obv. xxii 1′-11′ : [... ᵓÀ-wa ... x shekels
of silver :] value of 1 dagger mar-tu (decorated with) gold (for) the son of
ᵓÀ-wa of Dugurasu (Du-gú-ra-suki). 10 shekels of silver : travel provisions (for)
Ì-lum-bal (and) Ma-gal, who went to Dugurasu. Month ḫa-li” ; rev. viii 7-10 : “4
minas (1.88 kg) of silver and 2 minas of gold of Dugurasu (lú Du-gú-ra-suki)”.
[14] AAM IZ 13 v TM.75.G.10202(+) obv. xxii 8′-12′ : [ᵓÀ-g]u-lum
SA.ZAxki DU.DU si-in Du-gú-ra-suki.
[15] MAT IZ 4? v ARET XX 7 obv. iii 7-13 : 1 gu-dùl-túg 1 sal-túg 1
íb+iii-TÚG gùn Ì-lum-bal Kak-mi-umki DU.DU si-in Du-gú-ra-suki.
[16] MAT IZ 5 v TM.75.G.2369 obv. vii 9 v ix 1 : 3 ma-na (1.41 kg)
kù-babbar 3 ma-na za-gìn níg-ba en Du-gú-ra-suki // 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 1
aktum-TÚG 1 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 1 níg-lá-gaba 1 gír mar-tu kù-gi dumu-nita
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Alfonso Archi
ᵓÀ!(UR)-wa Du-gú-ra-suki // 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 1 aktum-TÚG 1 íb-III-gùn-TÚG
sa6 ábba-sù 6 sal-TÚG 6 íb-III-gùn-TÚG maškim-sù Du-gú-ra-suki // 2 ᵓà-daum-TÚG 2 aktum-TÚG 2 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 2 gada-TÚG 2 níg-lá-sag 10
KIN siki 10 (gín) kb. níg-kaskal Ì-lum-bal wa Ma-gal wa maškim-sù DU.DU
si-in Du-gú-ra-suki // rev. iii 2-4 : 1 sal-TÚG TAR.TAR níg-lá-DU-níg-lá-DU
DU.DU Du-gú-ra-suki.
The gift for the king of Dugurasu was 1.41 kg of silver, and the same amount
of lapis ; it did not include the usual set of clothing, while the chief of the delegation,
the son of Awa, received a set of clothing and a dagger decorated with gold. Ì-lum-bal
and Ma-gal, who accompanied the delegation home, received clothing and only 7.83
g of silver to cover travel costs.
[17] MAT IZ 5 v ARET XX 9 § 15 : 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-I 1 aktum-TÚG
1 íb+IV-TÚG gùn En-na-ì Du-luki mu-DU gada-TÚG-gada-TÚG níg-ki-za lú
Du-gú-ra-suki.
[18] MAT IZ 6 v ARET I 10 § 19 : (1+1+1 clothes) 1 gír mar-tu kù-gi 5
ma-na (2.35 kg) gìn-gìn níg-ba en Du-gú-ra-suki.
The king of Dugurasu received 2.35 kg of lapis, besides 1 dagger decorated
with gold. According to § 11, I-ti-dGa-mi-iš of Dulu and his messenger Ìr-a-NI, received garments for having to go to Dugurasu.
[19] MAT IZ 6 v ARET IV 18 § 9 : (1+1 clothes) Ì-lum-bal DU.DU
Du-gú-ra-suki lú ì-ti.
This is a gift to Ilum-bal who came back from Dugurasu.
[20] MAT IZ 7(?) v ARET XX 10 § 20 : (1+1+2+2+2 clothes) ᵓÀ-wa
(1+2+2+1) ÍB-NE(Íb-bí?) Du-gú-ra-suki.
[21] MAT IZ 8 / 11 v TM.75.G.2338 obv. i 1 v ii 13 : 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚGII 1 aktum-TÚG 1 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 2 ma-na (940 g) kù-babbar 2 ma-na
za-gìn níg-ba en Du-gú-ra-suki // 1 ‘à.-T. 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 1 aktum-TÚG
1 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 1 ma-na (470 g) an-na 1 gú-li-lum-I babbar-kù-gi
10 níg-ba ᵓÀ-wa Du-gú-ra-suki // 2 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 2 aktum-TÚG 2 íb-IIIgùn-TÚG sa6 2 maškim-sù 7 sal-TÚG 7 maškim-sù // 2 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 2
aktum-TÚG 2 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 2 níg-lá-sag 1 sal-TÚG TAR 4 níg-láDU 12 KIN siki 10 (gín) kù-babbar níg-kaskal Ì-lum-bal Ma-gal DU.DU
si-in Du-gú-ra-suki.
The king of Dugurasu received the usual set of clothing sent as ceremonial
gift to the kings of the cities in relation with Ebla, plus 970 g of silver and 970 g of
lapis. ᵓAwa received the same clothing, 470 g of tin, and 1 bracelet. The delegation
from Dugurasu was made up of 2 + 7 representatives (maškim), who received clothing. The two men from Ebla who accompanied the delegation going back to their city
received 2 sets of clothing and only 78 g of silver to cover cost of travel.
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[22] MAT IZ 10 v TM.75.G.1949 obv. i 1 v ii 10 (IZ) : 1 túg-gùn 1
aktum-TÚG 1 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 [2+]2 ma-na (1.88 kg) kù-babbar [1 / 2?+]1
ma-na (1.41 ? kg) [za-gì]n [níg-b]a [e]n Du-gú-ra-suki [dumu-]nita ᵓÀ-wa [šu-]
mu-tak4 // 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 1 aktum-TÚG 1 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 [1] níg-lásag [1] gú-li-lum-I babbar-kù-gi 10 (gín) dumu-nita ᵓÀ-wa // 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG
1 aktum-TÚG 1 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 ábba-sù // 4 sal-T. 4 íb-III-gùn-TÚG
maškim-sù // 2 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 2 gada-TÚG 4 aktum-TÚG 2 íb-III-gùn-TÚG
sa6 2 íb-III-gùn-TÚG 2 níg-lá-sag 1 sal-TÚG TAR níg-lá-DU-sù 10 g[ín
kù-babbar] níg-kaskal İ-lum-bal M[a-]g[al] DU.DU si-in Du-gú-ra-suki.
This time it was the son of ᵓAwa to be entrusted with the ceremonial gift of
a set of clothing, besides silver and lapis. He also received a set of clothing and a
bracelet ; similarly, the 4 representatives who had accompanied him on his travel to
Ebla. The delegation was accompanied by 2 officials from Ebla in their journey home.
[23] MAT IZ 11 v ARET XX 21 § 1 : [1 t]úg-gùn 1 aktum-TÚG 1 íb+VTÚG sag 1 gír mar-tu kù-gi 4 ma-na (1.88 kg) kù-babbar 4 ma-na an-na 13
ma-na (6.11 kg) za-gìn 1 na4 níg-ba en Du-gú-ra-suki 2 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-II 2
aktum-TÚG 2 íb+IV-TÚG sa6 gùn 1 gú-li-lum-I babbar-kù-gi 10 1 gàr-su 2
Du-gú-ra-suki 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-I 3 gu-mug-TÚG 4 sal-TÚG 4 íb+IV-TÚG
gùn maškim-sù // § 2 : 2 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-II 2 aktum-TÚG 2 íb+IV-TÚG sa6
gùn 1 gada-TÚG mu4mu níg-lá-sag 2 níg-lá-du 1 gú-li-lum-II a-gar5-gar5 kù-gi
30 1 gàr-su si4 5 (gín) kù-babbar En-àr-li-im ; § 3 : 2 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-II 2
aktum-TÚG 2 íb+IV-TÚG-II sa6 gùn 2 níg-lá-du 1 gàr-su babbar 1 níg-lá-sag
1 gír mar-tu GIŠ-SAL babbar :kù 5 (gín) babbar :kù níg-kaskal Ru12-zi-ma-lik
dumu-nita Ì-lum-bal DU.DU si-in Du-gú-ra-suki.
This gift for the king of Dugurasu was particularly rich : 1 set of clothing, 1
dagger decorated with gold, 1.88 kg of silver, 1.88 kg of tin, 6.11 kg of lapis, 1 stone ;
2 sets of clothing and a bracelet for the two men at the head of the delegation ; other
clothing for the 4 representatives, members of the delegation. §§ 2 and 3 list the gifts
to the two Eblaite officials who accompanied the delegation home ; Ru12-zi-ma-lik took
the place of his father Ì-lum-bal, who had gone several times to Dugurasu.
[24] MAT IZ 14 / 15 v ARET XX 25 § 26 : 1 túg-gùn 1 aktum-TÚG 1
íb+II-gùn-TÚG sa6 1 gír mar-tu kù-gi 4 ma-na (1.88 kg) kù-babbar 4 ma-na
an-na 23 ma-na (10.81 kg) za-gìn 2 na4 níg-ba en Du-gú-ra-suki Du-bí lú Mu-ti
En-na-ì lú Ma-gal šu-mu-tag4 // § 27 : 2 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-I 2 aktum-TÚG 2
íb+II-gùn-TÚG sa6 1 gú-li-lum-I babbar :kù-gi 10 (gín) A-ib Du-gú-ra-suki 1
ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-I 5 gu-mug-TÚG 6 sal-TÚG 6 íb+II-gùn-TÚG 6 maškim-sù
4 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-II 4 aktum-TÚG 4 íb+II-TÚG sa6 2 gada-TÚG 2 níg-lá-sag
2 gú-li-lum-II a-gar5 kù-gi 30 1 gír mar-tu ti kù-gi 1 gír mar-tu GIŠ-sal kùbabbar Du-bí lú Mu-ti En-na-ì lú Ma-gal DU.DU Du-gú-ra-suki 1 gu-mugTÚG 1 gada-TÚG mu-ḫa-ba túg-túg.
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Alfonso Archi
This is one of the last documents concerning the relation between Ebla and
Dugurasu. The value of the goods (1.88 kg of silver and also of tin ; 10.81 kg of lapis)
proves the increase in the exchange of precious materials from both sides through
ceremonial gifts. The chief of the delegation which arrived at Ebla was A-ib, perhaps
the son of ᵓÀ-wa, or a wrong writing for ᵓÀ-wa. The two officials who accompanied
the delegation were Du-bí, and En-na-ì, who had taken the place of his father : Ma-gal.
[25] MAT v ARET I 6 § 44′′ : (1+1 garments) [Ì-lum-bal] Kak-mi-umki
DU.DU Du-gú-ra-suki.
[26] MAT v ARET I 15 § 4 : (1 garment) ᵓÀ-wa Du-gú-ra-suki.
[27] MAT v ARET XII 872 rev. ii′ 3-8 : (wool) Ì-lum-bal Ma-gal Puzur4ḫa-ru12 DU.DU Du-gú-ra-suki.
[28] MAT v ARET XII 874 rev. x 3-4 : (1+1+1 garments) 1 dib 15 (gín)
(117 g) Du-gú-ra-suki.
[29] MAT v TM.75.G.1221 obv. i 11 v ii 15 : 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 1 aktum-TÚG
1 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 1 gír mar-tu kù-gi 5 ma-na (2.35 kg) kù-babbar 11 ma-na
(5.17 kg) za-gìn níg-ba en Du-gú-ra-suki // 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 1 aktum-TÚG 1
íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 1 gú-li-lum-I babbar-kù-gi 10 (gín) Ga-ra Du-gú-ra-suki
// 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-I 4 gu-dùl-TÚG 5 sal-TÚG 5 íb-III-gùn-TÚG maškim-sù
// 4 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-II 4 aktum-TÚG 4 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 4 GUR8?-DU 2
gada-TÚG 1 gír mar-tu ti 10 (gín) kù-babbar níg-kaskal En-àr-li-im En-na-ì
DU.DU Du-gú-ra-suki ; // rev. viii 1-2 : 4 zi-rí siki Du-gú-ra-suki.
The king of Dugurasu received the usual set of clothing sent as ceremonial
gift to the kings of the cities in relation with Ebla, plus an amount of silver and lapis.
Gara should have been the chief of the delegation from Dugurasu. Two men (from
Ebla?) accompanied the delegation going back to their city ; they received 4 sets of
clothing and only 78 g of silver as travel provision.
[30] MAT v TM.75.G.1246 obv. v′ 1-5 : [garments] Puzur4-ra-ì Ib-suki
DU.DU si-in Du-gú-ra-suki.
[31] MAT v TM.75.G.1381 obv. vii 13-17 : 1 níg-lá-sag Du-gú-ra-suki
[DU.DU] si-in Du-luki.
[32] MAT v TM.75.G.2270 obv. xi 13-16 : 2 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 2 aktum-TÚG
2 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 ᵓÀ-ti-bù Gur-ša-NE Du-gú-ra-suki 9.
[33] MAT v ARET XX 19 § 40 : 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG-II 1 aktum-TÚG 1 íbIII-gùn-TÚG 1 dumu-nita A-wa Du-gú-ra-suki in Da-ra-umki [
] maškim-sù.
Daraum was a small centre controlled by the family of the minister Ibrium
and Ibbi-zikir.
9
The name ᵓÀ-ti-bù is attested in ARET III 573 II 3′.
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[34] MAT v TM.75.G.2573 obv. v 1-7 : 3 KIN siki Ru12-zi-ma-lik dumunita Ì-lum-bal DU.DU si-in Du-gú-ra-suki.
[35] MAT v TM.75.G.10271 obv. ii 1-9 : [(silver and lapis)] en Du-gúra-suki // 1 ᵓà-da-um-TÚG 1 aktum-TÚG 1 íb-III-gùn-TÚG sa6 1 gú-li-lum-I
babbar-kù-gi 10 (gín) 1 ma-na (470 g) an-na A-a-wa Du-gú-ra-suki [šu-]
mu-“taga4” [níg]-ki-za-sù.
[36] MAT v ARET XX 14 § 32 : ] (wool) dumu-nita DU.DU si-in
Du-gú-ra-suki.
Fragmentary – ARET III 95 ii 1′-3′ : 20 gín DILMUN an-na en
Du-gú-ra-suki.
b) Goods received by Ebla
[37] mu-DU IZ 5 v ARET XIV 82 § 34 : 2 gada-TÚG mu4mu 3 kir-nan-nu
gada-TÚG maḫ 10 kir-na-nu tur 1 gada-TÚG GIŠ-ma-ir 5 kéš-da šè-li 30 gu
nap-ḫu 18 gu si4 2 dib šè-li 5 si am 15 zú LAGABxḪAL 3 an-zamx si 2 gín
gal 1 ma-na 50 (861 g) zabar 2 gín gal 1 ma-na 30 (783 g) zabar 7 ma-na (3.29
kg) urudu 1 NE.GAR 5 (gín) (39 g) kù-gi 10 gu esi 12 kù-gi (94 g) 10 kù-sal
1 šir níg-ba en en Du-gú-ra-suki // § 35 : 1 kir-nan-nu maḫ 4 kir-na-nu tur 1
gín gal 1 ma-na (470 g) 1 gín tur 40 (313 g) zabar 7 ma-na (3.29 kg) urudu
1 útul 5 si am 2 kéš-da šè-li 1 gu nap-ḫu mu-DU e-gi4-maškim Du-gú-ra-suki.
The first delivery is “a gift (for) the king (of Ebla) (from) the king (en) of
Dugurasu” ; the second one is presented as a personal gift from the envoy, e-gi4-maškim
(probably ᵓÀ-wa). Both deliveries included 5 tusks of am and 7 minas of copper (in
one case, in form of a large vessel, útul). The king added, however, 15 “teeth of ..” ;
two more axes, and of major worth ; more strings of semiprecious stones.
[38] mu-DU IZ 6 v ARET XIV 83 § 38 : 2 kir-na-nu GIŠ-ma-ir 15 kirna-nu maḫ 10 kir-na-nu tur 11.20 ma-na urudu (5.93 kg) urudu 1 NE.GAR
4 tu 4 lagab na4 3 kéš-da [gú-m]i-nu 17 kéš-da šè-li níg-ki-za Du-gú-ra-suki
Du-luki šu-mu-“tag4”.
The three preceding deliveries are respectively from the king of Dulu, from
Arra-tilu/dulum of Dulu for the king of Ebla, and from the king of Dulu for the queen
of Ebla. The city of Dulu was given the task of handing over the gift of Dugurasu to
Ebla. Once again, the gifts from Dulu are similar to those of Dugurasu : flax clothing
(gada-TÚG mu4mu kir-nan-nu), 5 zú AN.ENGAR, 8 minas (3.76 kg) of refined copper,
and several strings of semiprecious stones.
[39] mu-DU IZ 9 v ARET XIV 86 § 33 : 4.5 (gín) kù-gi 5 GIŠ-sal 1
(gín) 3 NI kù-gi gu ZAx 6 NI kù-gi 3 an-dùl 15 gu si4 110 kéš-da šè-li 13 gu
wa-ru12-ga-tum 8 kir-na-nu gíd 23 kir-na-nu tur 56 ma-na (26.32 kg) a-gar5gar5 NE.GAR 9 ma-na (4.23) a-gar5-gar5 1 útul 4.50 ma-na (2.28 kg) urudu 1
GIŠ-šú 1 níg-bànda 16.50 ma-na (7.91 kg) urudu 10 gín gal 10 gín tur 25 si
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Alfonso Archi
áb (?!) 5 zú LAGABxḪAL 10 GIŠ-šú na4 mu-DU en 〈Du-gú-ra-zuki〉 // § 34 :
1 (gín) kù-gi 2 gada-TÚG maḫ 5 gada-TÚG tur 1 zú LAGABxḪAL 6 ma-na
(2.82 kg) urudu 3 gín gal 2 gín tur 5 gu si4 2 kéš-da šè-li 3 gu wa-ru12-ga-tum
1 KA-ma mu-DU ᵓÀ-wa Du-gú-ra-zuki .
The amount of gold employed for several objects (among them 3 statuettes,
an-dùl) is small. The deliveries for Ebla of this year consisted in : a) 26.32 + 4.23 kg
of refined copper in form of two large vessels : NE-gar and útul ; 2.28 kg of copper
in form of a cup and a larger vessel (1 GIŠ-šú 1 níg-bànda) ; and 7.91 kg of copper for 20 axes ; b) 25 tusks and 5 teeth of ... ; c) several gu and objects in stones ;
d ) flax garments. ᵓAwa, the messenger, added on his part, 5 axes amounting to 2.82
kg of copper, 1 tooth ..., some strings of semiprecious stones and flax clothing. The
following delivery (§ 35) is from Dulu.
[40] mu-DU IZ 10 v ARET XIV 87 § 30 : 3 gada-TÚG kir-nan-nu 2 si am
1 GIŠ-šú nap-ḫu 3 an-zamx si mu-DU A-ᵓà-w[a] Du-gú-ra-suki in ᵓÀ-da-NIki lú
d
AMA-ra // § 31 : 10 gada-TÚG mu4mu en 〈Du-gú-ra-suki〉.
The deliveries from Dugurasu for this year were moderate. Aᵓawa(!) went
to ᵓAdani, a centre of the cult of the god Rašap, for the celebration of the 3rd month
(dAMA-ra) and brought as gifts from himself 2 tusks, a few garments, and 3 small
cups, besides 10 flax garments on behalf of his king. The sequence of the deliveries
in the text is the following : 2 from Armi (§§ 27 and 28) ; 1 from Dulu (§ 29) ; 2 from
Dugurasu (§§ 30 and 31) ; 2 from Dulu (§§ 32 and 33).
[41] mu-DU IZ 12 v ARET XIV 90 § 31 : 2,45 ma-na (1.29 kg) kù-gi
21 ma-na (9.87 kg) urudu 1 izi-gar 11.30 ma-na (5.40 kg) urudu 2 GIŠ-šú 1
níg-bànda 5 GIŠ-šú 4 an-zamx nap-ḫu 5 zú AN.LAGABxḪAL 4 gu nap-ḫu
20 gu si4 850 gu šè-li 3 kir-na-nu gíd 12 kir-na-nu lúgud-da 38 kir-na-nu tur
26 gada-TÚG maḫ 17 gada-TÚG tur ḫul 14 si am mu-DU Du-gú-ra-suki in
A-ru12-ga-duki.
This year the amount of gold was considerable ; the copper (9.87 + 5.40
kg), in objects, was in line with the previous years. Also the amount of strings of
semiprecious stones and flax clothing was rich. The tusks were 14 and the teeth of
... 5. This time, the messenger from Dugurasu (presumably ᵓAwa), handed over his
gifts in Arugadu, probably on the occasion of the celebration of the festival of the god
Hadabal, who had one of his major sanctuaries there.
[42] mu-DU v ARET XII 956 I (+) 708 (+??) 1178 rev. i′ : (mu-DU PN
Du-luki) // i′ 1′-2′ : [4+]3 kir-na-nu maḫ 7 kir-na-nu tur 1 zú AN.GÁxAN [ ;
ii′ 1′-5′ : ] 80 kir-na-nu tur mu-DU dumu-nita A-ᵓà-wa Du-gú-ra-suki ; 1178 :
[x+]1 zú LAGABxAN.
The AAMs for the years 14-16 of Ibbi-zikir are very fragmentary ; the
mu-DU documents for these years are either missing or were never drawn
up.
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5. The relations between Ebla and Dugurasu
Relations between Ebla and Dugurasu are attested to as early as the 40th
year before the destruction of Ebla, at the time of king Irkab-damu, when
Arrukum was his minister (see [1]). It was at that time that Ebla also came
into direct contact with Ḫamazi, a major city east of the Tigris (see the letter
ARET XIII 3). For the first eighteen years of the reign of Išar-damu, when the
minister was Ibrium, these relations were, however, sporadic : they are attested
only for the years 7, 14, and 16 of this minister. Starting with the 5th year of
Ibbi-zikir (who succeeded his father Ibrium for the following seventeen years
of Išar-damu’s reign, until the fall of Ebla), contacts between the two states
were practically yearly : the messengers who came from Dugurasu, returned
home accompanied by an Eblaite delegation. Dugurasu was located, therefore,
at the periphery of the political system controlled by Ebla. Relations with
Dugurasu probably increased when Ebla had consolidated its hegemony, even
becoming a valuable partner of Kiš in the on-going attempts to establish a
balance of power in the Syrian and Mesopotamian regions.
To travel a long way, facing presumably some personal risk, and to establish diplomatic relations with a far-away powerful state, was a delicate task.
Both sides chose, therefore, to trust the same experienced officials 10, for long
as they could endure such efforts, and later on they appointed their sons, who
had presumably already accompanied their fathers in some of these missions.
It is worth noting that the first attested contact was mediated by Dulu : four
men of this city arrived at Ebla accompanied by a representative of Dugurasu
(minister Arrukum, [1]). In the year Ibr. 14, the delivery by Dugurasu is registered between two deliveries by Dulu, and the two cities delivered about
the same goods ([8]). In this same year, it was a “chief” (ugula) of Ibal to be
entrusted by Ebla with taking some goods to Dugurasu ([3]) 11. In an undetermined year of Ibrium, three men were sent to Dugurasu, receiving from Ebla
silver and refined copper as provisions for their journey (níg-kaskal) : Zanaga,
ᵓÀ-NE-nu and a third individual whose name is not preserved ([6]). All these
persons were presumably from Ibal { most certainly one of them : “Zanaga
of Ibal”, who, returning from Dugurasu, received at Ebla a gift, evidently as
reward for a mission of which he had been in charge ([7]).
10
This was the case also in relations between Ebla and Mari : it was the same “steward”,
sagi, who headed the Mari delegations for several years, and two of the officials who accompanied him were always the same (Archi 1999 : 147-152).
11
Ibal, whose state form was that of a tribal society, lay in the arid region south of Selemiye,
see ARES II : 297-299 ; Fronzaroli, ARET XIII : 124-125, 132-142.
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The first Eblaite known by name who was sent to Dugurasu was Abumalik, the son of Ibbi-zikir (it is uncertain if this Ibbi-zikir was the future
minister) ([5]).
It was probably in the year IZ 4 that contacts with Dugurasu were resumed,
this time with the mediation of Ilum-bal, a “trader”, lú-kar, of Kakmium, a
city-state in the valley of the Euphrates 12 : returning home, Ilum-bal received
a set of garments for having accomplished his first journey to that remote
country ([15], [25]). In the following year (IZ 5), Ilum-bal was given a dagger
decorated with gold that he was to present to the king of Dugurasu ; he was
accompanied by two messengers (kas4), Abi and Magal, who were to be introduced to the chancellery of Dugurasu, and who personally received only travel
provisions ([10]). The king of Dugurasu rewarded this gift in a generous way :
linens, strings of semi-precious stones, 5 tusks, 15 “teeth” of another animal,
4 axes in bronze, a copper vessel weighing 3.29 kg and objects in gold ; even
his envoy (maškim-e-gi4) (surely ᵓÀ-wa) was provided with many valuable
goods (of the same kind as those of his master) which he had to present as his
personal gift : linens, strings, 2 axes in bronze, a copper vessel weighing 3.29
kg, and as many as 5 tusks ([37]). From this time on Dugurasu gave utmost
importance to this diplomatic relation.
Ebla, in the subsequent years, still preferred to rely on Ilum-bal of
Kakmium, evidently an experienced trader, to undertake this difficult journey.
He was accompanied for about ten years by Magal, an Eblaite official 13. In
the year IZ 11, it was Ruzi-malik, son of Ilum-bal, who travelled to Dugurasu,
and from IZ 14(?), Enna-il took the place of his father Magal. The delegation
from Dugurasu was headed by ᵓAwa (from IZ 10 on he was accompanied by
his son, [22]) and included up to 10 men (IZ 8?, [21]).
messenger from Ebla
Ibr. 14 [3] ugula Ib-al6
Ibr. x [5] A-bù-ma-lik dumu-nita I-bí-zi-kir
IZ 4? [15] Ì-lum-bal lú-kar Kak-mi-umki
IZ 5 [37]
”
[10] Ì-lum-bal Kak-mi-umki, ᵓÀ-bí, Ma-gal kas4
messenger from Dugurasu
ki
maškim-e-gi4 (i.e. ᵓÀ-wa ?)
12
Kakmium lay in the valley of the Euphrates north of the line traced by the Syrian-Turkish
border : it is attested with Ḫasuwan (2nd mill. Ḫaššum) in the Treaty with Abarsal, ARET XIII
5 rev. iii 10-12 : Kakmium, Ḫazuwan, NIrar ; in a letter from the king of Manuwat, ARET XIII
10 obv. vi 2-6, one has the following sequence : “Ḫa-zu-wa-anki ù Kak-mi-umki ù [NI-ra-ar ki]”.
Kakmium cannot, therefore, be identified with Kakmum of the Mari texts, which requires a
more northeasterly location. Also NIrar was north of Karkamiš.
13
Ilum-bal is qualified as a man from Kakmium only in text [10], but there is no doubt
concerning his identification with the person of the same name mentioned in the other documents here considered.
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Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
15
ᵓÀ!(UR)-wa 1 ábba-sù 6
IZ 5 [16] Ì-lum-bal, Ma-gal
maškim-sù
IZ 6 [19] Ì-lum-bal
IZ 8 [11] I-ti-gú, Ì-lum-bal, Ma-gal, Puzur4-ra-ḫa-al6
ᵓÀ-wa
IZ 8? [21] Ì-lum-bal, Ma-gal
ᵓÀ-wa 2 + 7 maškim-sù
IZ 9 [12]
ᵓÀ-wa
[39]
ᵓÀ-wa
”
IZ 10 [22] Ì-lum-bal, Ma-gal
ᵓÀ-wa, a son of ᵓÀ-wa, 1
ábba-sù 6 maškim-sù
” [40]
A-ᵓà-wa (!)
IZ 11 [23] En-àr-li-im, Ru12-zi-ma-lik dumu-nita Ì-lum-bal 2 persons, 4 maškim-sù
[ᵓÀ-wa], a son of ᵓÀ-wa
IZ 12 [13] Ì-lum-bal, Ma-gal
IZ 13 [14] [ᵓÀ-g]u-lum SA.ZAxki
IZ 14?[24] Du-bí lú Mu-ti, En-na-ì son of Ma-gal, Mu-ḫa-ba
A-ib (= ᵓÀ-wa ?)
Not datable texts :
[20]
[26]
[27] Ì-lum-bal, Ma-gal, Puzur4-ḫa-ru12
[29] En-àr-li-im, En-na-ì
[30] Puzur4-ra-ì Ib-suki
[32] ᵓÀ-ti-bù Gur-ša-NE
[33]
[34] Ru12-zi-ma-lik dumu-nita Ì-lum-bal
[35]
[36]
[41]
ᵓÀ-wa, ÍB-NE (Íb-bí?)
ᵓÀ-wa
Ga-ra, 5 maškim-sù
A-wa (!)
A-a-wa (!)
[.....] dumu-nita
[.....] dumu-nita A-ᵓà-wa (!)
The amounts of the travel provisions indicate that a journey to Dugurasu was
not an ordinary task :
[3] 20 shekels of silver : a chief of Ibal
[6] 25 shekels, 10 minas of refind copper : 3 persons from Ibal
[10] 20 shekels : Ilum-bal of Kakmium, ᵓAbi, Magal
[16] 2+2+2+2+2 garments, wool, 10 shekels of silver : Ilum-bal, Magal, their
representative
[21] 2+2+2+2+1+4 garments, wool, 10 shekels of silver : Ilum-bal, Magal
[22] 2+2+4+2+2+2+1 garments, 10 shekels of silver : Ilum-bal, Magal
[23] 2+2+2+1+2 garments, 1 bracelet of copper and gold, 1 bag, 5 shekels of
silver : Enar-lim ;
2+2+2+2+1 garments, 1 bag, 1 dagger of silver worth 30 shekels, 5
shekels of silver : Ruzi-malik, the son of Ilum-bal
[29] 4+4+4+4+2 garments, 1 dagger, 10 shekels of silver : Enar-lim, Enna-i(l)
The allowance was usually of 5 shekels per person for journeys within
the territory under Ebla’s hegemony : for example, Ursa’um (MEE VII 47 rev.
xi 24-26). Considering the occurrences of níg-kaskal in MEE XII 35, one ob-
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Alfonso Archi
tains the following data per person : 5 sh(ekels) to Nagar (obv. i 11-16) ; 15 sh.
to Mari (obv. iv 1-6) ; 20 sh. to Armi (v 3-9) ; 3 sh. to Nagar (x 41-46) ; 20 sh.
to Armi (for a judge, di-kud ; xiii 3-12) ; 5 sh. to Erbilum (xxiii 37 v xxiv 3) ;
5 sh. to Armi (xxvii 24-30) ; 40 sh. to Ibal (for a smith, simug ; rev. x 10-17) ;
5 sh. to Mari (xii 10-15).
6. The exchanged goods
6.1. Goods sent from Dugurasu
6.1.1. Linen
A regular kind of gift of Dugurasu to the Eblaite court and its messengers
was linen clothing. Two terms for these clothes were also usual in Ebla : gadaTÚG “linen”, and gada-TÚG mu4mu “suit / dress-length of linen”. Peculiar
to the produce of Dugurasu, instead, was the kir-na-nu linen, which could
be “large”, maḫ ; “small”, tur ; “short”, lúgud-da 14, see texts [8] (gada-TÚG
pad-sù) ; [9] ; [37] ; [39] ; [40] ; [41]. The gada-TÚG and kir-na-nu may both
be specified by the colour GIŠ-ma-ir, texts [37] and [38] 15.
This kirnanu-cloth was a typical product only of Dugurasu and Dulu ; for
this second centre, cfr. ARET XIV 62 §§ 31, 33 ; 63 §§ 31-32, 40 ; 64 § 34 ;
67 § 33 ; 68 §§ 29-30, etc.
Fibre types (of flax) are produced “in the Mediterranean countries (from
Spain and Algeria to Greece and Egypt), with a transitional region (Asia
Minor, Caucasus, Black Sea and Caspian Sea area)” (Durrant 1976 : 192). The
Old Assyrian documentation attests that linen clothes were sent from Anatolia
to Aššur (MichelvVeenhof 2010 : 216-218).
For about two millennia the clothes from Tukriš (or in Tukriš-style) were
highly appreciated in Mesopotamia. The term tukrišû qualifies not only vessels
(Mari), but also wool and textiles in OB documents from Nippur (Aro 1970 :
11 ; CAD T 459-460). Tušratta, king of Mittani, sent to the Egyptian pharaoh
“1 city-shirt, Tukrish-style”, and 1 garment, Tukriš-style, of many coloured
cloth” (EA 22 II 37, and 25 IV 45 ; Moran 1992 : 53 and 80). A LB letter still
reports the gift of a “threaded work dress, Tukriš-style” (Dietrich 2003 : 108,
letter 122, ll. 8-9).
14
Müller 1988 : 287, note 67, has explained VE 570 lúgud-da = kàr-a-CnuD “short”. The term
lúgud-da appears only in [41].
15
On GIŠ-ma-ir, a dye and a colour, see Fronzaroli, ARET XI : 73.
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Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
17
6.1.2. Semi-precious stones 16
si4 “cornelian” (in “strings”, gu) : [8] 2 gu si4-si4 ; [9] 1 gu si4 ; [37] 18 gu
si4 ; [39] 15 gu si4, 5 gu si4 ; [41] 20 gu si4.
Ebla obtained this stone apparently only from Dugurasu and Dulu 17.
greenstones 18
wa-ru12-ga-tum (in strings or “laces”, kéš-da) : [39] 110 kéš-da šè-li, 13
gu wa-ru12-ga-tum, 2 kéš-da šè-li, 3 gu wa-ru12-ga-tum ; [40] 850 gu šè-li.
The wa-ru12-ga-tum stone is rarely attested : ARET XIV 87 § 33 mentions
5 strings of wa-ru12-ga-tum beads from Dulu. The trousseau of Tiabarzu included 58 beads : wa-ru12-ga-na-tum, TM.75.G.1769 obv. IV 1.
šè-li (in strings, laces, or plates) : [8] 100 gu šè-li, 2 gu nap-ḫu šè-li ; [9]
60 gu šè-li, 20 gu šè-li ; [37] 5 kéš-da šè-li, 2 dib šè-li, 2 kéš-da šè-li, 17 kéš-da
šè-li ; [39] 110 kéš-da šè-li, 2 kéš-da šè-li.
The šè-li stone was obtained by Ebla apparently only from Dugurasu and
Dulu 19.
nap-ḫu “rock crystal” (in strings and vases) 20 : [8] 2 gu nap-ḫu šè-li ; [9]
1 gu nap-ḫu ; [37] 1 GIŠ-šú nap-ḫu 30 gu nap-ḫu ; [40] 1 GIŠ-šú nap-ḫu ; [41]
5 GIŠ-šú 4 an-zamx nap-ḫu 4 gu nap-ḫu.
GIŠ-šú is a cup, and an-zamx a vessel which, if used as a measure of
capacity, represented 1/6 of a sìla, i.e. ca 2 dl. Two small vases of rock crystal
have been found in Acemhöyük 21.
16
The terminolgy of the stones imported in Sumer in the early periods has been collected
by Pettinato 1972 : 72-79.
17
Strings of cornelian beads are included in the ceremonial gifts sent from Dulu registered
in ARET XIV 63 §§ 32, 40 ; 64 § 34 ; 67 §§ 31, 33 ; 71 § 42 ; 77 § 45 ; 80 §§ 36, 38 ; 82 §§ 33 ; 83
§§ 35, 36, 37 ; 85 §§ 58, 59 ; 87 § 33. According to ARET XIV 77 § 51, and 86 § 32 respectively,
36 cornelian beads in form of bulbs, ḫa-za-nu, and 3 strings of beads, came from Mari. For
sources of cornelian in Iran, see Potts 1994 : 194-199.
18
Moorey (1994 : 83b) writes : “‛greenstone’ ... is another general term for a variety of
minerals ... including malachite, chrysocolla, rosasite and turquoise. These green minerals are
associated with copper-bearing strata.”
19
See the ceremonial gifts sent from Dulu registered in ARET XIV 63 §§ 32, 40 ; 64 § 34 ;
67 §§ 31, 33 ; 68 §§ 29. 30 ; 83 § 35 ; 85 § 59 ; a few strings also included nap-ḫu beads.
The Eblaite version of Archaic ḪAR-ra A 059 has : ŠÈ.LI.za = ù-ra-gu, which Pasquali
derives from *wrq “to be green” (which is probable) ; consequently, he identifies wa-ru12-gatum with the reading of šè-li. This is, however, another kind of stone, as the passages given
here demonstrate. Civil (2008 : 69) has suggested that in the list ḪAR-ra A “a stone object is
expected”, which does not agree with the data of the administrative documents. VE 1171 has
the equivalence ŠÈ.LI = su-gu-mu-mu.
20
Pasquali 2002a.
21
In presenting the rock crystal finds from Anatolia, Rova (1987) has suggested that they
were produced in that region ; see, in general, Moorey 1994 : 95-96. On the industry of glassy
quartz in Iran, see Potts 1997 : 102-103.
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Alfonso Archi
Rock crystal was obtained at Ebla apparently only from Dugurasu and
Dulu 22.
esi “diorite” (in strings) : [37] 10 gu esi.
gú-mi-nu stone : (in strings) [8] 8 gu gú-mi-nu ; (laces) [38] 3 kéš-da
[gú-m]i-nu.
TM.75.G.2071 rev. IV 1 lists among some jewels of the queen of Ebla,
1 níg-sagšu gú-mi-nu, perhaps a vessel made of this stone.
na4 “stone” : [8] 1 dib na4 “1 plate of stone” ; [38] 4 lagab na4 “4 blocks
of stone” ; [39] 10 GIŠ-šú na4.
6.1.3. Metals
kù-gi “gold” : [8] 150 g (5 vases), 110 g (2 vases) ; [37] 133 g (jewels) ;
[38] 47 g (jewels) ; [39] 8 g ; [41] 1.29 kg ;
zabar “bronze” : [37] 1.644 kg (4 big axes), 783 g (1 big, 1 small axe) ;
a-gar5-gar5 “refined copper” : [39] 30.55 kg (2 vessels) ;
urudu “copper” : [37] 3.29 kg (1 vessel), 3.29 kg (1 vessel) ; [38] 5.93
kg (5 vessel) ; [39] 2.28 kg (2 vessels), 7.91 kg (10 big and 10 small axes),
2.82 kg (3 big and 2 small axes) ; [41] 9.87 kg (1 torch), 5.40 kg (3 vessels).
6.1.4. Ivory from elephants (?)
a) The deliveries of si am “tusks”(?) from Dugurasu apparently only
starts in the period of minister Ibbi-zikir : [37] 3 an-zamx si, 5 si am, 5 si am ;
[39] 25 si am ; [40] 3 an-zamx si, 2 si am ; [41] 14 si am! (áb!) (Total : 51
tusks). This is a reliable datum for estimating the total quantity of this kind
of goods received by Ebla. Only the last four yearly documents concerning
the deliveries (the mu-DU texts) to the Eblaite administration are missing (or
were never drawn up).
b) Sum. am, Akk. rīmu (from OAkk.) in the Mesopotamian sources
means “wild bull”. Naram-Sin “(personally) felled a wild bull at Mount Tibar”
(RIME 2, Narām-Sîn E2.1.4.23 8-10). According to the Sumerian epic, this
animal lived in the mountains of the eastern regions (van Dijk 1983 : 56 l. 36 ;
106-107 ll. 429, 440 ; 123 : 550).
22
See the ceremonial gifts sent from Dulu registered in ARET XIV 41 §§ 14, 17 ; 64 § 34 ;
67 §§ 31, 33 ; 77 § 45 ; 80 § 38 ; 89 § 30.
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Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
19
c) The bilingual lists from Ebla register the term am without adding a
Semitic equivalent. VE 929-932 presents the following sequence : gud v peš v
áb v amar v am. Pettinato and D’Agostino (1996 : 115-116) list 6 passages
with am and 5 with am si, without distinguishing in their translation between
“bull” and “elephant” 23, and three passages with am-mí understood as “female elephant”. All the passages with the term am which are not related to
si “horn” concern statue(ette)s devoted to male deities, sometimes provided
with a garment.
d
ᵓÀ-da-bal(BAL/KUL). ARET III 3 r. iii 16 v 18 : 1 zára-TÚG ú-ḫáb
d
am ᵓÀ. [ ; TM.75.G.1428 obv. i 1-3 : 1 aktum-TÚG am dᵓÀ., I 16 v II 2 : 1
aktum-TÚG am dᵓÀ. SA.ZAxki ; TM.75.G.2462 rev. xiii 14-20 : 20 (gín) kù-gi
... nu11-za 1 am dᵓÀ. A-ru12-ga-duki en ì-na-sum “157 g of gold ... for decorating
1 am (for) dᵓÀ.”.
d
Ra-sa-ap. ARET III 467 obv. ii 10-13 : 1 zára-TÚG ú-ḫáb am dR. gú-núm ;
ARET IV § 53 : 1 zára-TÚG ú-ḫáb mu4mu am dR. gú-númki SA.ZAxki ; ARET
XV 13 (= MEE II 13) § 49 : 2 aktum-TÚG ú-ḫáb 1 am maḫ 2 aktum-TÚG
2 am-tur lú 2 dingir ᵓÀ-da-niki (i.e. dR. dA-dam-ma-sù) ; TM.75.G.1921 rev.
ii 3-6 : 2 zara6-TÚG am dR. Da-ra-umki ; TM.75.G.2622 obv. xxiv 10-15 :
6 gín DILMUN kù-gi nu11-za 3 sag lux 1.40 ma-na babbar :kù nu11-za 1 am
d
R. Da-ra-umki “47 g of gold : for decorating 3 heads of human-faced bulls,
783 g of silver : for decorating 1 am (for) dR.”. TM.77.G.730 obv. ii 1-2 : ] 1
am dR.
d
UTU. TM.75.G.2419 rev. ii 12 : 1 zara6-TÚG 1 am dU.
Fragmentary. ARET III 440 rev. vi 6-8 : 9 gín kù-babbar am [.
d ) A female am is related with the goddess Išḫara. According to another
passage a human-faced bull and a female am form a couple to keep watch over
the gate of an official building.
d
Iš-šára. TM.75.G :1648 obv. III 1-3 : nu11-za 1 am-mí dšára :Iš Zi-ti-luki
“(gold :) for decorating 1 female am for the goddess Išḫara of the town of
Zitilu”. ARET IX 32 §§ 10-11 : 6 zíz bar ninda GIŠ-ša zé dKu-ra ir-me 3 zíz
bar ninda-u9 dŠa-ma-gan 2 zíz bar am-mí [dšára :Iš (?)] “(emmer for the gods
Kura and Šamagan), 2 measures of emmer for the female am [of the goddess
Išḫara (?)]” 24.
MEE XII 36 rev. XXVII 13-20 : 7.14 ma-na kù-gi 2.43 ma-na babbar :kù
nu11-za 2 da-ri-ga-tum wa 2 an-dùl 1 lux 1 am-mí lú al6 2 ká é-é-maḫ “3.30
Similarly, PDS A III 185 has : 1. “aurochs(?) ; 2. “elephant”.
The passage TM.75.G.339 obv. ii 1-rev. I 1 (quoted in Pettinato, and D’Agostino 1996 :
116 as MEE IX 89) is not clear : 11 GIŠ-šú GIŠ-taškarin am-mí lú è iri-bar “11 cups of boxwood
(in form of ) an am-mí which is an issue (for) the suburbs”.
23
24
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Alfonso Archi
kg of gold (and) 1.28 kg of silver : for decorating 2 socles and 2 statues : 1
human-faced bull (and) 1 female am which are above the 2 gates of the ‛high
houses’”.
e) The passages in section c (above) require the meaning “wild bull”.
Hadabal and Rašap share the attribute of the “mace”, ḫa-bù, with the Stormgod Hadda, showing that all three gods were warrior gods. Human-faced
bull statuettes were offered to Rašap as well as to Hadda. The yearly renewal
ceremony included the offering of the horns of two bulls (for all three of the
gods mentioned), TM.75.G.1918 obv. xx 14-18 : “20 gín DILMUN babbar :
kù ᵓà-na-gu 4 si 2 gud nídba en dRa-sa-ap dᵓÀ-da-niki “157 g of silver for
a ring-shaped bearing of the 4 horns of 2 bulls : offering of the king for
Rašap of Hadani” ; TM.75.G.2428 obv. xx 36-41 : “a ring-shaped bearing
of the horns of 2 bulls (gud) : offering of (the crown prince) Irᵓak-damu for
Hadabal of Arugadu” (Archi 2010 : 11-12). It would be very strange, therefore, if these two gods had also received two elephant tusks each, according
to the following two passages (in these two particular cases the horns were
presumably covered in gold and sikver). TM.75.G.1902+2617 obv. viii 5-9 :
1 ma-na kù-gi 2 si am dᵓÀ-da-bal Lu-ba-anki “470 g of gold (to set) 2 horns
of am (for) dᵓÀ.” ; TM.75.G.1904 obv. xv 5-9 : 2.40 ma-na babbar :kù nu11-za
2 si am lú dRa-sa-ap “1.253 kg of silver : for decorating 2 horns of am (for)
d
R.”
Not only in the passages in section d, but also those in e, the meaning
“wild bull” is required for the term am. Statue(tte)s in the form of an elephant
would be anomalous in Syria for this period 25 ; moreover, those am-mí devoted
to the goddess Išḫara could not present clear attributes of a female elephant.
f ) In ARET XIV 57 obv. II 1 it is specified that it was a single horn of
an ox (/ bull) to be reproduced (or decorated) with silver : 1 si gud babbar :kù.
In the following case we again, presumably, have single horns of bulls reproduced in gold, TM.75.G.2426 rev. vii 8-10 : 5 ma-na kù-gi 2 1/2 1 si 3 ma-na
1 si 2 ma-na “2.35 kg of gold (to the value of ) 1 : 2.5 (in relation with silver)
(for making) 1 horn of 1.41 kg (and) 1 horn of 0.94 kg”. It is therefore not
sure that the single horn of an am (si am) decorated in gold in the following
passage has to be understood as a tusk (originally received from Dugurasu)
and not the horn of a wild bull, MEE XII 35 rev. iv 28-31 : 8 kù-gi ni-zi-mu
nu12-za 1 si am nídba en “63 g of gold : sheet for decorating 1 horn/tusk of
wild bull/elephant, offering of the king 〈for ...〉”.
25
Moorey (1994 : 118) may report only a few of the figurines of the LBA.
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Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
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The horn as a shape was appreciated in its own right. Horns (decorated
with (?)) silver and gold were used as containers for oil, ARET XIV rev. i 2-3 :
4 si kù-gi babbar :kù lú ì-giš. Moorey (1994 : 111-112) has remarked that “the
textual evidence, from the second millennium b.c. onwards (qarnu, CAD Q
138-139 ; AHw 904), refers primarily to the role of horns as natural containers
for liquid, notably oil, for which they need little modification”.
It is, therefore, improbable that horns qualified as si am, when provided by people of the Eblaite region, could have been tusks. ARET XII 151
iv 4-8 concerns a delivery of such horns inside the kingdom (Silaḫa was in
fact the seat of a cult place of Kura, the god of Ebla) : Si-la-ḫuki šu-mu-tak4
si-si am [ “(garments for a person from) Silaḫu who has consigned bull
horns [”. ARET XV 4 § 32 : Ib-al6ki šu-mu-tak4 si am “(garments for a
person of) Ibal who has consigned bull horns. The state of Ibal is to be
located in the region south of Selemiye. Similarly, we have ARET XV 50
§ 51 : (1 garment) NI-ra-arki šu-mu-tak4 si am ; NIrar lay north of Karkamiš.
Of these two cities, at least Ibal could have had commercial relations with
the eastern regions.
g) Notwithstanding the confusion generated by the term am “bull”, the
fact that odd numbers of the si am sent by Dugurasu could also be delivered
(above, a) is in favour of the meaning “(elephant) tusk”. Moreover, the meaning “in ivory” for the term si seems to be requested when it refers to “cups”,
an-zamx, and “goblets”, zi-bar, as it is in the case of Akkadian ša šinni / ZÚ
AM.SI (CAD Š III 51-52 ; PDS A III 185-188).
an-zamx : ARET VII 23 obv. i 2 : 1 a. 1 pad-sù 1 a-za-mu kù-gi si “1 a.,
its lid, 1 a. of ivory and gold (delivery of the minister Ibbi-zikir for the king)” ;
ARET XIV 64 rev. vi 3 (from Dulu) : 1 a. si ; 67 rev. vii 10 (from Dulu) ; 68
rev. iii 14 : 2 a. si (from Dulu) ; 82 rev. iii 5 : 3. a. si (from Dugurasu) ; 87 obv.
x 11 : 3 a. si (from Dugurasu), xi 16 : 2 a. si (from Dulu) ; MEE VII 36 obv. ii
2-5 : 39 g of gold for decorating 2 a. si (from Armi, for the king).
zi-bar : TM.75.G.10119 rev. i 1-2 : 8 3 NI kù-gi-IV 1 z. si.
dib “plate” : ARET XIV 90 obv. iii 10-11 : ša-pi 3 (gín) kù-gi 1 d. si “337
g of gold (for decorating) 1 plate of ivory”.
gú-li-lum “bracelet” : ARET VII 62 rev. ii 4 : 1 g. si sikil.
ma-ḫa-ni-gúm “necklace” : ARET XIV 89 obv. ii 7 : 1 m. si.
In particular, the sumptuous throne decorated with 2.76 kg of gold and 47
g of silver, provided with a “tail” of si decorated with 125 g of gold, requires
“ivory” for the meaning of si am, inaugurating (at least as written datum) the
admirable series of Syrian ivories of the following centuries. ARET XIV 90
obv. i 11- ii 6 : 5 ma-na 53 (gín) kù-gi 6 (gín) kù-babbar nu11-za 1 GIŠ-uštil
lú si 16 gín DILMUN kù-gi nu11-za 1 kun si “2.76 kg of gold (and) 47 g of
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Alfonso Archi
silver for decorating a throne of ivory ; 12.5 g of gold for decorating a tail of
ivory” 26.
If referred to weapons, si could also mean “ivory” used for incrustation. TM.75.G.1730 obv. xviii 9-11 : 3 mi-at gír mar-tu zabar 1 ma-na 10 gín
DILMUN babbar6 :kù níg-sa10 si-si-sù “300 daggers of bronze ; 548 g of silver :
value of their ivory(?)”. More convincing, perhaps, is ARET XIV 55 obv. vi
13 : 1 gír si kù-gi “1 dagger (decorated with) ivory and gold”. This applies
also for a battle-axe, GIŠ-šilig, TM.76.G.118(+) obv. viii 2-3 : [x] kù-gi 1
GIŠ-šilig si.
An anomalous reference is : 25 si áb, in text [39] (above ; a delivery from
Dugurasu), where áb “cow” stands in the place of am. Although it is always
risky to emend an unclear passage, in the case of bovids a distinction between
the horns of a male and female animal may concern only their dimension.
This is true also for the tusks of adult animals. Considering the high standard
of the scribes of the central archive, a simple explanation could be a slip in
dictation : /ab/ for /am/.
Horns, however, were appreciated not only for their shape
(TM.75.G.3106(+) rev. vi 7 : 6-7 : “1 shekel of silver : price of 2 horns of a
gazelle [2 si dàra]) 27, but also as work material. ARET VII 77 §§ 2-4 registers
the purchase (nig-sa10) of horns (si-si) from ENmu, a city in the region of
Gasur (mentioned in § 1) 28. The text concerns the acquisition of other exotic
goods, such as “eggs of a big bird (i.e., ostrich)”, nunuz mušen-maḫ, and
plants from the mountain regions (KASKAL-sar Kurki).
P. Pfälzner (2013) listed carefully every occurrence of elephant bones
in Syria and Mesopotamia. There is only one certain example of this kind of
remains for the EB period (Tell Munbāqa) ; those for the MB period are from
Alalaḫ, Emar, Kāmid el-Lōz and Babylon, whilst those for the LB period are
more numerous. Considering the way in which some large elephant bones were
placed in two rooms of the palace of Qatna (LBA phase), Pfälzner suggests
that they were a hunting trophy : Egyptian rulers hunted elephants in Niya,
north of Qatna, in the Ghab 29. Not only the Orontes river system, but also
26
Pettinato, MEE V : 155, 162, translates “of horn”, while (p. 161) the 14 si am from
Dugurasu (see passage [41], here above) should be “14 tusks of ‛ivory’”. Waetzoldt (MEE VII :
63) cannot decide : “die Übersetzung von si als ‛Horn’ oder als ‛Elfenbein’ scheint in allen
Fällen möglich”,
27
Moorey (1994 : 112) notes that “gazelle horns ... are now recurrently reported, unmodified, from occupation levels of the Early Dynastic to the Akkadian period”.
28
Note that ARET VII 1 rev. VIII 1-3 mentions a merchant from ENmu : Ru12 -zi-lum u5
EN-muki, and the parallel section in TM.75.G.1866 § 2 has : Ru12 -zi-lum u5 Ga-sùr ki (Archi
1981 : 139).
29
Helck 1971 : 116 : “auch Thutmoses I. folgte dem Beispiel Ahmoses und verband seine
Feldzüge mit Elephantenjagden im Gebiet von Nija ; damals erbeutete Zähne hat seine Tochter
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the Balikh and Khabur valleys “emerge as regions with textual attestations of
elephants ; six Assyrian kings left accounts of elephant hunts (in that area)”
(Pfälzner 2013 : 120-121, 126) 30.
Young elephants were taken as tribute to the Egyptian court : a wall
painting from Thebes (tomb of Rekhmire ; reign of Thutmoses III) “conveys
the message that the tribute carried from the Syrian territories includes metal
vases ; copper ingots ; jars with wine ; a chariot and a pair of horses ; weapons
such as bows, quivers, and daggers ; ivory ointment holders ; tusks, a bear ; and
an elephant” (Pfälzner 2013 : 126).
Although the Orontes and Khabur areas must have provided a natural
habitat for elephants, it is a fact that most of the ivory inlays of the 2nd
millennium b.c. are from hippopotamus ivory : those of the MBA from Ebla
(Wilkens 2002), and those of the LBA from Ugarit (Caubet, Poplin 1987 :
291) and Qatna (Pfälzner 2013 : 124). Of those from Qatna, only three objects
(included a Hathor mask plaque) are in elephant ivory.
The vast majority of the objects in hippopotamus ivory (the most beatiful
ones are, however, in elephant ivory) may be related only to the supply capacity of local sources. Remains of hippotamous amphibius (although scarce)
prove the presence of this animal in the coastal region of Syria (Caubet–Poplin
1987 : 292) 31. The ceremonial exchanges between Ebla and Dugurasu show
that ivory was much appreciated in Northern Syria, and indirectly, that the
local production of ivory in the EBA was very scanty. The sources of Dugurasu
can, therefore, only have been in the east 32.
6.1.5. “Teeth of crocodile (?)” zú AN.A.LAGABxAN
The deliveries of these goods from Dugurasu are : [8] 4 zú GÁxAN ; [9]
4 zú AN.AMBAR ; [37] 15 zú LAGABxḪAL ; [39] 5 zú LAGABxḪAL, 1
zú LAGABxḪAL ; [41] 5 zú LAGABxḪAL ; [42] 1 zú AN.GÁxAN, [x+]1
zú LAGABxAN, for a total of about 36 items. Considering that only the
last four yearly documents concerning the deliveries (mu-DU) to the Eblaite
administration are missing (or perhaps were never drawn up), this number
Hatschepsut später dem Amuntempel geweiht” ; 139 : “Elephantenjagd in Nija” in the 31st year
of Thutmoses III. The number of 120 elephants hunted by this king is unlikely.
30
Moorey (1994 : 116-119) had already given a clear discussion on the evidence for elephants in Syria in historical time and the hunts of the Assyrian kings. Before Moorey, Barnett
(1975 : 163-168) had already offered a valuable picture of the question.
31
A well-preserved lower canine of a hippopotamus was shown to the present writer by
Father Pasquale Castellana. It was found in the Roudj, close to Knaye, whilst the foundations of
a house were being laid ; it is preserved in the residence of the Franciscans in Knaye.
32
Moorey (1994 : 118) gives data for importation of ivory from Dilmun (Bahrein) in the
Ur III and OB periods.
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cannot be greatly increased. There is only one document of the previous period (that of minister Arrukum) which registers the receipt of seven of such
teeth, TM.75.G.1353 obv. ii 2 : 7 zú AN.A.AMA (Milano 1980 : 12). They
were probably sent by Dugurasu. Some records of daggers using this material
are to be dated to the time of this minister (here below : Arr.), when relations
with Dugurasu had just started.
These teeth were used for daggers : gír mar-tu zú (AN.)LAGABxḪAL/
AN ; with a single exception : “a battle-axe (made) of gold and a tooth of A. :
as a gift for the Storm-god”, TM.75.G.1380 (Arr.) rev. i 1-4 : 1.5 gín DILMUN
kù-gi GIŠ-šilig zú AN.LAGABxḪAL níg-ba dᵓÀ-da.
The great value of this material is confirmed by the fact that these daggers were often decorated with gold, and distributed rarely by the Eblaite
administration. The following list is meaningful, because based on a large
part of the whole documentation (the number of the daggers is given when
it is greater than one) : ARET I 16 r. xi 2 (of the king) ; II 30 v 6 (15 gír) ;
III 109 i 2 (3 gír) and ii 2 (in both cases without gold) ; III 302 i 1 ; III 630
iii 2 (26 gír ; without gold) ; III 635 rev. iv 5 (without gold ; its value 15
shekels silver) ; III 864 iii 1 ; IV 15 rev. v 9 ; VII 16 (Arr.) obv. iii 5 (without
gold) ; 40 obv. iii 7, v 7 (3 gír), vi 6 (2 gír) ; TM.75.G.1454 rev. ix 3 (4
gír) ; TM.75.G.1669 obv. iii 9 (Archi 1980 : 11) ; TM.75.G.1860 rev. xvii 30
(without gold) ; TM.75.G.1915(+) (Arr.) obv. viii 3 ; TM.75.G.2236 (Arr.) obv.
v 6 (without gold) ; TM.75.G.2465 obv. xv 30 (30 shekels tin and 3.35 minas
copper for 8 gír ; without gold) ; TM.75.G.3052(+) obv. xiv 2 (10 gír ; without
gold) ; TM.75.G.3106 rev. vi 8-9 (15 shekels of silver ; value of 1 gír ; without
gold) ; TM.75.G.3604(+) obv. vii 4-6 (30 shekels of gold ša-ga-tum 20 gír) ;
TM.75.G.10144 rev. xi 1′-3′ ([15?] shekels of silver ; value of 1 gír ; without
gold), xiii 17 (15 gír ; without gold) ; TM.77.G.281(+) (Arr.) rev. i 5 (5 gír ;
without gold).
Although these teeth were provided (apparently) exclusively by Dugurasu,
two daggers in gold and with such teeth were “delivered” (mu-DU) to Ebla by
Kablul, a city in the east, which was also in contact with Dugurasu (below,
9.3. e) : ARET XIV 80 § 28 : 1 gír zú AN.AMBAR kù-gi mu-DU Kab-lu5-ulki ;
83 § 30 : [1] gír [zú] A[.LAGABxḪAL k]ù-g[i] mu-DU Iš11-ga-um (this man
was an ugula of Kablul, see ARES II 313-314).
The uncertainty in the spelling of this term (AN.AMA / [AN.A.]
LAGABxḪAL/AN / AN.AMBAR) is evidence of the exotic nature of this
animal. The bilingual lexical list, VE 202b has : zú AN.A.LAGABxAN = si-nu
a-ḫa-mu, which has been interpreted by Pomponio and Xella as šinnu (l)aḫmu,
where the second term would be Laḫmu, “the Hairy”, the deity associated with
Enki, represented in human form with long hair and beard. However, in this
case the reference should be to an aquatic animal, because LAGABxḪAL/
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AN = ENGUR (apsû) recalls the ocean beneath the earth. The daggers would,
therefore, have had “a point recalling the teeth of this animal” (PomponioXella 1984 : 27-28).
Pomponio and Xella were on the right track. (AN.)LAGABxḪAL/AN
was a real animal :
a) The archaic ḪAR-ra A has a list of metal figurines of animals (nos 106118), only in part preserved in an Abū Ṣalãbīkh source but complete in the two
manuscripts from Ebla ; the first part has the following sequence : gud-anšezabar
“oxen and/or donkeys of bronze”, gudzabar “bronze bull”, ušumgalzabar “bronze
dragon”, AN.A.LAGABxANzabar “bronze image of a river animal”, gud-azabar
“water buffalo of bronze”, šeg9zabar “wild sheep of bronze” ARES IV 34-35,
80-81.
b) the teeth of this animal were apparently available or particularly appreciated only at Dugurasu ; they were of such great value that Ebla received
only about 36 of them over 9 years.
c) these teeth were not used as ivory : ivory as a material for cups or
parts of furniture was provided exclusively by si am according to the Ebla
documentation (above, d ). This datum is, therefore, not in favour of an
identification of laḫmu with the hippopotamus (the name of this animal is
missing from our Assyriological dictionaries) but with the crocodile (these
two meanings had been suggested by Civil, ARES IV 80). One should perhaps
deduce that the longest teeth of the crocodile (or another animal) were fitted
with a hilt in gold and used as parade dagger. In TM.75.G.2465 obv. XV 30
(above), however, the hilt was in bronze.
Guichard (2005 : 221-224) lists several figures of laḫmu in gold and also
cups in the shape of a laḫmu, noting that “le laḫmum tenant des vases d’où
jaillissent des flots d’eaux (montre) qu’il est le gardien et le responsable de ces
rivières qui convoient l’abondance”. This was the mythological laḫmu : a spirit
of the rivers (Wiggermann 1992 : 164-166). There is evidence that laḫmu was
also an acquatic animal. J.-M. Durand has identified it with the “crocodile”
in the passage in Westenholz OSP 2.24 1-3 : 8 gu4-sà-rí-ku / 2 la-aḫ-ma-an /
kù-gi “8 bisons, 2 ‛crocodiles’ of gold”, stating that “avec ce nom sont appelés
des animaux réels de la région de Mari” (Durand 1993 : 379-380), and basing
himself on a text which reports “an ox which a laḫmu had carried off” (ša
la-aḫ-mu-um it-ba-lu) on the banks of the Euphrates 33.
The value given to the teeth of AN.A.LAGABxAN in the exchange of
gifts with Dugurasu shows that the supply of this item was scanty in Syria.
33
This Mari text was published in Guichard 1993.
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Alfonso Archi
Dugurasu had to get them from the east. A misunderstanding by the Eblaites
in the identification of this exotic acquatic animal cannot be excluded.
6.2. Goods sent to Dugurasu 34
kù-gi “gold” : [11] 157 g (1 plate) ; [13] 940 g ; [28] 117 g (1 plate) (see
bracelets, daggers) ;
kù-babbar “silver” : [4] 940 g. ; [12] 940 g ; [13] [x], 1.88 kg ; [16] 1.41
kg ; [21] 940 g ; [22] 1.88 kg ; [23] 1.88 kg ; [24] 1.88 kg ; [29] 2.35 kg ;
[35] [x] (Total : 14.10 + x kg) ;
an-na “tin” [4] : 940 g ; [11] 940 g, 470 g ; [12] 940 g, 470 g ; [21] 470 g ;
[23] 1.88 kg ; [24] 1.88 kg ; [35] 470 g (Total : 8.46 kg) ;
a-gar5 “refined copper” : [6] 4.70 kg a-gar5 a-lu-ra-tum (as travel
provision) ;
za-gìn “lapis lazuli” : [6] 2.35 kg ; [11] 940 g ; [12] 940 g, 470 g ; [13] [x] ;
[16] 1.41 kg ; [18] 2.35 kg ; [21] 940 g ; [22] 1.41(?) kg ; [23] 6.11 kg ; [24]
10.81 kg ; [29] 5.17 kg ; [35] [x] (Total : 32.90+x kg) ;
bracelets : [11] 1 gú-li-lum 78 g of silver 16 g of gold ; [12] 1 gú-li-lum
78 g of silver 16 g of gold ; [21] 1 gú-li-lum 78 g of silver ; [22] 1 gú-li-lum
78 g of silver ; [23] 1 gú-li-lum 78 g of gold and silver ; [24] 1 gú-li-lum 78
g of silver ; [29] 1 gú-li-lum 78 g of silver ; [35] 1 gú-li-lum 78 g of silver ;
daggers : [6] : 1 gír mar-tu of gold ; [10] 1 gír mar-tu 274 g of gold ; [13]
[x] ; [16] 1 gír mar-tu of gold ; [18] 1 gír mar-tu of gold ; [23] 1 gír mar-tu of
gold ; [24] 1 gír mar-tu of gold ; [29] 1 gír mar-tu of gold.
7. The geographic localization of Dugurasu
7.1. Dugurasu and Kakmium
When the minister Ibbi-zikir resumed relations with Dugurasu, after the
first contacts at the time of his father and predecessor Ibrium, he relied first
of all on a trader of Kakmium (text [15]). This man proved to be so reliable
that similar missions were entrusted to that same trader over the following
nine years. This fact already points to a northern location of Dugurasu. All
the cities mentioned in the Treaty with Abarsal were placed either north of the
line marked today by the Turkish-Syrian border (Karkamiš already belonged
to Ebla), or east of the Euphrates. In this treaty, Kakmium is associated with
34
The garments, as well as the silver given as travel provision, are not considered.
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Ḫazuwan (later Ḫaššum) 35. The Eblaite documents prove that Ḫazuwan lay
south of Ursaᵓum (later Uršum), therefore immediately beyond the northern
border of the kingdom of Ebla, so that Ḫazuwan was annexed to Ebla during
the period of Ibbi-zikir. Ursa’um/Uršum lay probably in Gaziantep, or, in any
case, between Gaziantep and the Euphrates. South of this line there are only
two large tells : Oylum and Tilbeșar, and only Tilbeṣar presents a morphology
suitable for an identification with Ḫazuwan (Archi 2008).
7.2. Dugurasu and Dulu
The localization of Dugurasu depends first of all on that of Dulu 36. As
already noted above (§ 5), the oldest passage mentioning Dugurasu (dated to
the years 40-36 before the fall of Ebla, text [1]) registers the presence at Ebla
of four men from Dulu accompanied by a man from Dugurasu. In text [8]
(Ibr. 14), moreover, the gifts sent from Dugurasu were registered between a
delivery from Dulu and a special delivery of copper brought by Arra-dulum(/
tilu), a high official of Dulu.
For the period of Ibbi-zikir, text [18] (IZ 6) registers a gift sent to the
king of Dugurasu, while two people of Dulu were given clothes for their
journey to Dugurasu. This may mean only that the Eblaite envoys joined
an expedition from Dulu. The proof is given by text [38] of the same year,
according to which Ebla received gifts : 1) from the king of Dulu ; 2) from
Arra-tilu of Dulu (the man at the head of the delegation) for the king of Ebla ;
3) from the king of Dulu for the queen of Ebla ; 4) from Dugurasu “handed
over” (šu-mu-“tag4”) by the messengers from Dulu. The following sequences
in document [39] (IZ 9) confirm that the delegations from Dugurasu used to
reach first Dulu, and then move on to Ebla having joined a delegation from
Dulu : gifts from the king of Dugurasu v gifts from his envoy ᵓAwa v gifts
from Dulu ; [39] (IZ 10) : 2 deliveries from Armi v 1 from Dulu v 2 from
Dugurasu v 2 from Dulu.
The passages in [8] and [35], suggest the following interpretation of the
small fragment ARET III 767 ii 1′-4′ : [1 dib 1 ma-na (?)] 1 dib ša-pi 1 dib tar
A-wa Ar-ra-ti-lu Mi-mi-[a-d]u [...] “[1 plate of 1 mina of gold (?)], 1 plate of
40 shekels, 1 plate of 30 shekels (respectively to) Awa (of Dugurasu), Arratilu
(of Dulu) (and) Mimiadu (of Armi) [...”. These were gifts for the chiefs of
three delegations which joined up on their way to Ebla ; the official from
See above note 11.
This connection has been pointed out by Pettinato ; he has been followed by Archi, and
recently by Biga, see §§ 2 and 3 above.
35
36
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Alfonso Archi
Dugurasu, coming from a more distant place, presumably received the most
precious gift! 37
7.3. Dulu and Armi
Dulu paid tributes to Ebla, together with city-states such as Ursaᵓum,
Iritum, Dub(a), Ḫarran, Imar, and several others. Ḫarran and Imar were even
bound to the Eblaite dynasty through interdynastic marriages. A bond was
also established with Dulu, but at a lower level : “Damur-dasinu, the daughter
of In-malik” was given as spouse to its king (Biga 2014c). This girl did not
belong to the royal dynasty, but the choice fell upon the niece of the minister :
In-malik was son of Ibrium, therefore Ibbi-zikir’s brother (Archi 1988 : 234).
Armi did not belong to this circuit, therefore it lay outside the area under
the hegemony of Ebla, although the two cities maintained close relations during the period of minister Ibbi-zikir (Archi 2011 : 8, 13, 21-25). Dulu must be
located in any case, in roughly the same geographic direction as Armi, not the
opposite direction. It has been remarked above (7.2) that ARET XIV 87 (cfr.
text [39]) registers deliveries from these two cities in the following sequence :
2 from Armi (§§ 27 and 28) v 1 from Dulu (§ 29) v 2 from Dugurasu (§§ 30
and 31) v 2 from Dulu (§§ 32 and 33). The two cities maintained relations :
according to ARET IV 17 § 45, a man (guruš) from Armi resided (tuš) in
Dulu, and ARET XV 18 § 16 has : “2 men (guruš) of Armi who went to Dulu”.
7.4. Linguistic borders : Armi, Dulu, Dugurasu
Only some personal names from Dulu and Armi share the element
-ti-lu(/-du-lum) :
Dulu : Ar-ra-ti-lu / Ar-ra-du-lum (the name of a high official who travelled often to Ebla, ARES II : 206) ; Gi-dar-du-lum, TM.75.G.2274 obv. III 7,
the name of a king of the city.
Armi : Ar-šè-ti-lu (lú-kar Ar-miki), MEE XII 26 rev. v 12 38 ; Ḫa-áš/si-ti-lu,
ARET III 225 iii 3, ARET XV 14 ob. viii 15. For the first element Ar-ra-,
cfr. A-ra/rí-lu, Ar-gi-lu, A/Ar-ra-da (Archi 2011 : 22).
Only two personal names from Dugurasu are known : ᵓÀ-PI and Ga-ra
(§ 5). The second name is isolated. The standard writing of the first name,
ᵓÀ-PI, has presumably to be read ᵓÀ-wa, notwithstanding the isolated variant
37
In Archi 2011 : 22, 24, it has been suggested, instead, that all three names referred to men
from Armi, because Mimiadu was a high official of Armi and Arra-tilu is also a name known
from that city (cfr. Archi 2011 : 10-12, 22).
38
This name, which always refers to the same person, has the several variants : Ar-ša-ti-la,
Ar-šè-da-la, Ar-zi-da-la (Archi 2011 : 22).
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A-ib in text [24] (IZ 14). An even stranger variant is UR-PI in [16] (IZ 5).
The name was felt to be alien : it was understood also as A-wa ([32], see,
further, the other variants : A-a-wa in [35], A-ᵓà-wa in [39] and [41]) under the
influence of the element A-wa- attested in Eblaite names such as A-wa-i-šar,
A-wa-ra/la-su/šu, A-wa-šum 39. A name registered at Ebla as A-wa is attested
also for Armi : MEE XII 7 obv. v 1 ; TM.75.G.2507 obv. xi 16 (cfr. perhaps,
also A-wa-ru12, ARET XV 27 obv. ix 7) 40.
The onomasticon of Armi (103 personal names have been collected in
Archi 2011 : 21-25) is only in part Semitic and belongs to a different tradition
from that of Ebla. This simple fact requires placing this powerful city-state
in a peripheral area. Towards the north, the limit of a rather homogeneous
Semitic linguistic area was about the line marked by the road which today
connects Gaziantep v Birecik v Urfa, practically equivalent to that defined
in the 3rd millennium b.c. by Hazuwan (Ḫaššum) v Ursaᵓum (Uršum) v
Karkamiš v Iritum (Irrite) v Ḫarran. More precisely, the limit was provided by
the mountain ranges which rise north of that line, a state of affairs very similar
to that existing also in the Ottoman empire 41. The whole region south of this
line, and the Euphrates valley as far as Tuttul / Tell Biᶜa, shared a common
Semitic tradition in name-giving, while that of Kiš had a different cultural
background, and Mari shared both traditions 42. To the east, the onomasticon
of Nagar (Tell Brāk) (ARES II : 391-392), and Nabata (Talon 1996 : 187-191),
a town which belonged to Nagar, which dominated the Ḫabur triangle, was
also largely Semitic.
There are no linguistic data from the Levant for the 24th cent. b.c. It
would, however, be highly unlikely that the Levant was linguistically a borderline region, since the archives of Ebla have shown that Northern Syria was
linguistically fully Semitizied, and the south was surely Semitized, considering
the distribution of the Semitic languages. For the location of Armi one has to
look, therefore, towards a northern or north-eastern region.
7.5. Armi = Armānum
In an inscription concerning his campaign in northern Syria, Naram-Sin
of Akkad has declared that : “(he) conquered Armānum and Ebla. Further,
from the side of the Euphrates River as far as (the city of) Ulišum, he smote
For the quotations of these names, see Krebernik 1988 : 128, listed under : A-PI-.
For A-wa in ARET III 767 ii 1’, above, (§ 7.2.), it has beeen suggested that this occurrence
could refer to the head of the delegation from Dugurasu.
41
See Archi 1984 ; other personal names are quoted in ARES II, under each of these cities.
42
A list of the personal names from Mari was given in Archi 1985. For the personal names
from Kiš, see Archi 1987 : 130-132, and the observations in Steinkeller 1993.
39
40
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the people ... The god Dagan gave me Armānum and Ebla, and I captured RīdAdad, king of Armānum.” (RIME 2, Narām-Sin E2.1.4.26 ii 8-19, iii 23-31).
Considering the geographical context, and also the r/l alternation attested
at Ebla, Ulišum can only be Uršum, (Ebla : /Uršaᵓum/), which did not lie
directly on the banks of the Euphrates (Archi 2011 : 29).
Naram-Sin considered his greatest military achievement to be the defeat
of Armānum, whose citadel was admirably fortified (E2.4.1.4.26 iv 20 v V 13).
This is the only case in which he boasts of having captured the king of a
conquered city in Syria. Such a city must already have been powerful from at
least the time of Ebla.
The names of many important cities of the 3rd millennium survived until
the first half of the second millennium, e.g. Ḫaššum, Uršum, Karkamiš, Tuba,
Irrite, Imar, Tuttul ; in some cases even later. Those inhabited uninterruptedly
down to the modern day, Ḫalab, Ḫarran, Erbil, are the most ancient cities in
the world. It is, therefore, compelling to identify the Armānum of the NaramSin inscription with the Eblaite Ar-mi(-um)ki, notwithstanding some difficulty
in explaining the ending -ān(um) (Archi 2011 : 28). One would otherwise have
to admit that Armānum was a new foundation of the century following the
fall of Ebla!
This is of importance for the precise location of the city. Armānum was
on the banks of a river and had an imposing citadel : “From the quay wall to
the fortification wall : 180 cubits is the height of the hill (śa-du-im) (and) 44
is the height of the wall” (E2.4.1.4.26 v 1-7). Armānum / Armi must be sited,
therefore on the banks of the Euphrates, north of the territory of Uršum, that is
north of the narrows of Halfeti, where “(the Euphrates flows) in a trench from
3 to 5 miles wide” (Naval Intelligence Division : 171). Armi was, therefore,
directly north of it, in the Samsat plain, and the best candidate is the (now
submerged) imposing tell on which was the citadel of the city of Samsat 43.
8. Du-gu-ra-su/zuki = Tukriš
More than 30 years ago it was recognized that Eblaite Du-gu-ra-su/
zuki is the same name as OAss and OB Tu-uk-ri-iški ; el-Amarna Tuk-ri-iš in
(EA 22 II 37, 25 iv 45), a land north of Elam (Saporetti 1981).
43
This identification was suggested in Archi 2011 : 29-32, where he noted that another
great military leader, Helmuth von Moltke, also admired this tell, defining it “a mountain”, as
Naram-Sin did 4000 years earlier (i.e., šadûm) : “Auf einem von Menschenhänden aufgeführten
Berge, der einst die Akropolis (von Samosata) trug, stehen noch heute schöne Ruinen ... Der
Strom fliesst nun in einem 800 Schritt breiten Bett ....”
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31
A school text, known from two Ur III copies, wishes that a god provide
Sumer with valuable goods : “May Magan and Meluḫḫa ship wood. (..) May
Aratta ...” (7-9, 14), and that “Tukriš (Tu-uk-CríD?-CišDki), the mountain land
of great food offerings, may bring you gold, kù-NE-a, and lapis, together
with other magnificent goods” (7′′-11′′) (Michalowski 1988). This is the wellknown topos referring to the Iranian mountain lands and the Indus valley
(reached through the Persian Gulf) as the sources of all precious goods for
Sumer. A mythological foundation of this representation is established in the
poem Enki and Ninḫursaga :
“Que le pays de Tukriš te livre de l’or de Ḫarali, du lapis-lazuli et [de ...]. Que
le pays de Meluḫḫa te fasse pervenir, sur de grands bateaux, de la cornaline, pierre
convoitée et précieuse, des arbres de Magan et de beaux ‛arbres de la mer’. Que le
pays de Marḫaši ...” (Attinger 1984 : 12-13, B ii 1-7).
In those mountain lands, “Aratta exemplified the exotic and fabulously
wealthy regions far beyond the Sumerian horizon in highland Iran”. Thence,
the question : “was Aratta more than just a literary phenomenon { a mythical
El-Dorado compounded of truths and half-truths : a land of dreams rather than
realities?” (Moorey 1993 : 37) 44.
A Hurrian ritual from Hattusa, KUB 27.38, preserves a sound echo of the
political geography of the empire of Akkad. The text mentions (iv 9-14, 2224), besides Sargon, Man-ištušu, and Šar-kali-šarri of Akkad, also Autalumma
of Elam, Immašku of Lullubi, and Kiglib-adalli of Tukriš 45. Elam and Lullubu
are often mentioned in the Old Akkadian historical texts. The Lulleans (the
inhabitants of Lullubum) were linguistically Hurrians, according to later evidence (Eidem 1992 : 50-53). Not surprisingly, this king of Tukriš also has a
Hurrian name : “K. is strong”.
In an inscription of Šamši-Adad, however, Tukriš is still mentioned in a
fabulous context :
“At that time I received the tribute of the kings (LUGALMEŠ) of Tukriš and of
the king of the Upper Land (LUGAL mātim elītim), within my city, Aššur. I set up my
great name and my monumental inscription in the land of Lebanon on the shore of the
Great Sea” (RIMA 1, Šamšī-Adad I A.0.39.1 73-87) 46.
44
The early Sumerian literary and lexical sources concerning Iran have been collected by
Pettinato 1972. The topos of the foreign lands providing goods is found also in the hymn to
Šamaš of the Kish tradition, IAS 326+342 // ARET V 6 : “The foreign lands yielded lapis lazuli
and silver, the cedar forest yielded wood : boxwood and cypress”, Krebernik 1992 : 73-74, 82,
A211-17 // C3.3-4.1.
45
On this text, see Wilhelm 2003, with previous bibliography.
46
The factual relations of Šamšī-Adad with the Zagros kingdoms are now documented by
the Shemshara tablets (EidemvLæssøe 2001 : 43-55).
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The deduction from this kind of sources was therefore : “All that can be
said is that in the imaginary landscape of the Ancient Near East, Tukriš was
one of the eastern provinces that was known as a source of precious metals
and lapis lazuli” (Michalowski 1988 : 163) 47. Ebla offers now factual data :
Tukriš was the name of a city, ruled by one single king, who was interested
in establishing diplomatic relations even with cities of Eastern Anatolia and
northern Syria ; for once, we even have the list of goods exchanged as ceremonial gifts by two of these courts of the 24th century. It is only apparently
a paradox that this information about the fabulous mountain region of Iran is
provided by a source lying far to the west : the data from Ebla (together with
those from Lagaš) are the most ancient preserved by an administrative archive
of a palace administration. They transmit a picture (evidently, only partial)
quite different from that of the Sumerian literary texts, which depict that population as “barbarians (which) occupied the frontier between civilisation and
savagery”, stressing in particular (under the shock of the fall of the dynasty of
Akkad) “the inhuman qualities of the Guti, mobile, well armed, and devasting
marauders” (Moorey 1993 : 35).
Only three personal names of envoys from Dugurasu are known : ᵓÀ-wa,
Ga-ra, ÍB-NE (Íb-bí?). They do not admit of any analysis : /ybbiᵓ/ is written
in the Eblaite : I-bí(-).
Garments, semi-precious stones and metals were the typical products
of the mountainous region east of the Tigris. To these products the Ebla
documents add, unexpectedly, ivory 48.
The documentation of Ebla contradicts, therefore, the poem Enki and
Ninḫursaga, which depicts Tukriš (and Ḫarali) as a source of gold and lapis
lazuli for Sumer, while it confirms completely the data offered by the chancellery and administrative documents from Mesopotamia and Syria as far as
manufactured goods are concerned 49.
47
For a previous reflection (and bibliography) on Tukriš and Ḫarali, see Stol 1976 : 41-43.
Cfr. Pettinato 1972 : 111 no 17, 119 no 60. For the inscription on a cylinder seal mentioning “the
seed of the terebinth of Tukriš”, see van Lerberghe 1979.
48
TM.75.G.2247 (a monthly document of the period of minister Ibbi-zikir) obv. XI 18 quotes
the city of Du-gú-la-ḫuki, not otherwise known. If this writing is an acoustic misunderstanding
on the part of the scribe, the passage XI 11-21 might offer a cluster of ten cities, most of them
in the far north-east : (10+10+10 garments) Na-bùki Ḫi-la-NI-um ki Ù-ḫa-NE-lumki Ù-ga-na-duki
Ḫa-daki Ḫu-za-rí-LUM ki Du-gú-la-ḫu ki Za-kùn-nuki Ḫa-zaki Ma-da-i-za-nuki. This is, hower,
highly uncertain. Nabu is connected with Armi and Kakmium (ARET II : 390-391) ; ARET I 4
§ 51 has Na-bùki, in § 57 Ma-da-i-za-anki (which recalls Ma-da-a-a) followed by Šè-ḫu-ba-duki,
which seems to be not otherwise attested.
49
A list of such goods has been given by Moorey 1995 : 441-444. See also Fuchs 2014.
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9. Other Transtigridian cities : Ḫamazi, Erbilum/Urbilum, and Gasur
9.1. Ḫamazi
ARET XIII 3 is the copy of a letter sent by king Irkab-damu to “Zizi,
king of Ḫamazi”, Zi-zi en Ḫa-ma-zi-imki. It was I-bù-KAxKID, “the administrator”, agrig, who addressed the “vizier”, sukkal-du8, of Ḫamazi, proposing
an alliance : they should become “brothers”, šeš, as well as their kings, Irkabdamu and Zizi should be. Some items made of boxwood were sent, with
the expectation of receiving mules in return. P. Fronzaroli, the editor of this
document, has noted that this document presents some archaisms (ARET XIII :
31). The letter is to be dated some years before Irkab-damu’s death, which
occurred 36 years before the fall of Ebla.
A consequence (apparently not the first reaction) to this approach is registered in ARET XIV 54 § 31, a mu-DU document dated to the first year of the
mandate of minister Ibrium, which was also the year of Irkab-damu’s death,
therefore the 35th year before the fall of Ebla : 1 ma-na kù-babbar níg-ba en
Ar-miki lú en Ḫa-ma-za-aki šu-mu-“tag4” wa ì-na-sum-sù níg-ba Iš-má-gàr-du
maškim-e-gi4 en Ib-laki “1 mina of silver : gift of the king of Armi which the
king of Ḫamazi had handed over (to him), and it was his given (i.e. he gave)
(as) gift (to) Išma-gardu, the travelling agent, (for) the king of Ebla”. This
complex syntax is made clear by ARET VII 22 § 1, a small tablet, without
any doubt the first registration of this income : 1 ma-na kù-babbar en Ḫu-mazúki en Ar-miki [š]u-mu-“tag4” wa ì-na-sum-sù Iš-má-gàr-du wa mu-DU en 50
“1 mina of silver of the king of Ḫumazu (!, i.e. Ḫamazi), the king of Armi
handed (it) over, and it was its given (i.e. he gave it) (to) Išma-gardu, and was
a delivery (for) the king (of Ebla)”.
This and the other journeys by Išma-gardu confirm (if necessary) that
the connection of Ebla with western Iran passed by Armi and Dulu, that is
through eastern Anatolia. Išma-gardu was in fact an agent of Armi whose
name occurs in several documents of the time of minister Arrukum : ARET IV
16 § 29 : (clothes for) Dur-da-ar Iš-má-gar-du tuš-LÚxTIL maškim Iš11-a-il ;
ARET XV 46 § 1 : “Clothes (1 ; 1 ; 1) (from Ebla for) the son of the king of
Dulu, Iᵓib-malik, the brother of Išma-gardu will hand over ; clothes (1 ; 1 ;
1) for his agent” ; § 35 : “Clothes (1 ; 1 ; 1) (for) Išma-gardu, the carpenter
of Armi” (he was perhaps another person). 56 § 62 : “Clothes (2 ; 2) : (for)
Ibdur-il (and) Išma-gardu (who) have handed over 2 ;40 minas (1.25 kg) of
50
In the edition ARET VII 22 r. I 22, the name was read Ḫu-ma-K[A]/b[ù]ki, because
the final part of KA is not completely clear. The photo, and the context, are in favour of the
reading KA.
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Alfonso Archi
iron (? ; AN) of Armium”. 29 § 96′ : “Clothes (1 ; 1 ; 1) : (for) Išma-gardu, the
over[seer(?) of ...] (ugu[la? ...])”. 21 § 41 : “1 cloth : Išma-gardu took delivery
of the representative of Arsi-aḫa”. ARET III 169 is fragmentary.
The letter ARET XIII 3, a chancellery document, has, therefore, the
correct form, in the genitive, of the name of the city : en Ḫa-ma-zi-imki
(r. V 1-2, 4-5). The scribe of ARET VII 22 registered correctly the passage of
the goods from one hand to the other, but not the name of the city : Ḫu-mazúki (it is also possible that Išma-gardu had misunderstood the name). The
scribe of the central archive, a member of a cultural elite, identified the name,
reinterpreting it as Ḫamazay : Ḫa-ma-za-aki in ARET XIV 54. These variants
show how far this city was from the horizon of Ebla : no other reference to
Ḫamazi is extant in the Ebla sources. The contact with Ḫamazi failed in favour
of relations with Dugurasu/Tukriš, situated further to the north.
9.2. Irbilum
G. Pettinato read the toponym Ir-NE-NI-LUMki as Ir-bí-ì-lumki, identifying it with Ur/Ar-bí-lumki of the Ur III period, and modern Erbil (Pettinato
1981 : 298). The picture which emerges with the identification of Du-gu-rasuki with Tukriš supports his intuition.
Ir-bí-ì-lumki is attested in three annual documents concerning the issuing
of objects in metals : a) TM.75.G.2502 (15th year of Ibrium), b) MEE XII 35
(TM.75.G.2428), and c) 36 (TM.75.G.2429) (respectively 8th and 10th year
of Ibbi-zikir) ; moreover, it is also found in a document of a different genre,
d ) TM.75.G.2426 (13th year of Ibbi-zikir). These are the pertinent passages :
a) TM.75.G.2502 rev. x 18-24 : “30 shekels of silver (as) travel provisions
(for) Gibaria of the city of Kablul who went to Irbilum”.
b) MEE XII 35 obv. xxiii 37 v xxiv 3 : “5 shekels of silver (as) travel
provisions (for) Tila-i(l) (i.e. Tira-il) the (Eblaite) responsible for the messengers (lú kas4-kas4), who went to Irbilum”.
c) Two years later, Tila-i(l), the chief of the messengers, received the
same provisions for another similar journey, MEE XII 36 obv. xiii 20-26 :
“5 shekels of silver : provisions for Tila-i(l), the man of the messengers (lú
kas4-kas4), who went to Irbilum”. In that year, 11 ;30 minas of silver (5.4 kg)
were given to a man from Irbilum, probably a merchant, in exchange for other
goods, MEE XII 36 v. xvii 9 v xviii 1 : “10 minas silver : price of 5 mules ;
1.35 minas of silver : price of 280 ‛stones’ of wool of Mari, that is : the price
is 1 shekels of silver (for) 3 ‛stone’ measures of wool of Mari ; 20 shekels of
tin, 12[+x] minas of refined copper : (to a man) of Irbilum”.
d ) TM.75.G.2426 rev. xv 24-26 : “(5 men from Kiš : 30 shekels of silver
each) ; 10 shekels of silver (for) Ku-rí-ḫu of Irbilum”.
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Contacts between the two states were sporadic. The only known personal
name from Irbilum is not Semitic. The man from Irbilum who reached Ebla
provided 5 mules (an animal breeded east of the Ḫabur triangle, a region
whose capital was Nagar) : all these elements are in favour of the identification of this city with Erbil.
9.3. Ga-sùrki
The variants Ga-su-luki, Ga-su-ru12ki prove the reading Ga-sùrki for GaḪIxMAŠki. Basing himself on this evidence, G. Pettinato has suggested that
this city should be identified with the Gasur situated about 15 km south-west
of Kirkuk and some 80 km to the east of Aššur 51.
The documentation is in some way contradictory. The earliest occurrences are in relation with Iblul-il of Mari, but most of the evidence is given by
texts from the very last years of Ebla. Its name, moreover, never appears in
the two annual series (the major sources for the ‛international’ relations) : the
mu-DU texts concerning the deliveries to Ebla (ARET XIV), and the texts
concerning the issue of precious objects (AAM).
a) Gasur and Mari in the early texts 52
ARET II 4 § 7 registers the luxury gifts sent from Ebla to Iblul-il king of
Mari on the occasion of the purification ceremony (ì-giš-sag) of Iblul-il related
to the death of his spouse Paba (xvii 1-2). This death is dated “to the time of
the destruction of Gasur”, in ud til-til Ga-sùrki (vi 6-8). Other important gifts
were sent (to Mari) “on the occasion (of the arrival) of messengers from Gasur
(at Ebla)”, in ud kas4-kas4 Ga-sùrki, presumably some time later (xii 4-6). The
defeat of Gasur was considered important also for Ebla : this same event is
mentioned again in TM.75.G.1559 rev. iv 4-7 : “(gifts to) ALma who brought
the news that Gasur was destroyed“, AL6-ma níg-mulx(AN.AN.AN.AN) Gasùrki til. ALma was an official of Mari, mentioned again in ARET VII 16
§§ 11, 17, a document concerning Mari, also of the period of king Irkab-damu 53.
51
Pettinato (1981) was able to quote 10 occurrences of this toponym ; others have been
added in Archi 1989 : 19. A complete list is in ARES II : 233-236, where the identification
proposed by Pettinato is accepted with hesitation. Further bibliography is listed in Bonechi
1993 : 153, with the suggestion that this Gasur should be placed between Mari and Ebla. A
detailed discussion of 21 occurrences is in Bonechi 1991. The reading sùr is assured by the Sign
List, no. 66 : ḪIxMAŠ = su-ru12-um.
52
Texts TM.75.G.1866 and TM.75.G.1559 are published in Archi 1981 : 139-140, 155-161,
and commented on in Archi 2016a together with ARET II 4 and queen Paba’s death. The
synchronsms between Irkab-damu and the kings of Mari are presented in Archi 2016a.
53
ARET XII 978 rev. ii 7′-8′ mentions an ALma from Kablul.
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The letter of Enna-Dagan of Mari (ARET XIII 4) (he, too, a contemporary of Irkab-damu), confirms that Iblul-il “had defeated Naḫal, Nubad,
and Šadab, lands of Gasur in Ganane” (kalamtim-kalamtim Ga-sùrki àga-kár! in
Ga-na-neki), § 19.
Two documents dated to Nizi (Iblul-il’s successor), concerning tributes to
Mari, have the same registration, that is 235 g of silver delivered to a merchant
fom Gasur. TM.75.G.1866 § 2, duplicated by ARET VII 1 § 23 : “30 shekels
of silver (for) Ruzi-(i)lum, the travelling merchant (u5) of Gasur”. Nizi of Mari
may be dated to the years 5-7 of Irkab-damu.
TM.75.G.2236 lists many expenditures of silver, among which there are
1 + 3.40 minas to Ib-ki-tum u5 Ga-sùrki (rev.I 9-II 5), on the occasion of a “6th
trade expedition”, 6 kaskal-kaskal. This text has to be dated to the 1st year
of Enna-Dagan, who succeeded Nizi : “Enna-Dagan ... the news that the lord/
king of Mari (i.e. Enna-Dagan, became) king”, En-na-Da-gan ... níg-mulx en
Ma-ríki lugal (rev. v 2, vi 11-12).
b) Gasur in the documents of the chancellery
ARET XVI 2 §§ 17 and 20 : “For (the ceremony of) the offering of
the oil (ì-giš-sag) of Gasur, you are the travelling agent (maškim-e-gi4) ...
Give you the offering of the oil of Gasur!”. § 22 mentions Azilu, an Eblaite
village.
ARET XVI 5 (minister Ibbi-zikir) § 6 : “He should have seized the flocks
(àga-kár! udu-udu) of Gasur”. The text also mentions Mari.
ARET XVI 13 § 8 : “Further, give instructions to Uti (the son of the former minister Ibrium) concerning Gasur and Mari”. The text mentions, further,
the cities of Guḫati, Guduman, Ḫarran, Burman, and Dub (Tuba).
ARET XVI 20 (minister Ibbi-zikir) : §§ 1-2, 7′ : “[Ebla?] will come to
help ; Mari will come to help! [...] (the ceremony of) the offering of the oil of
Mari. ... (When) our (of Ebla and Mari) two houses will order, crack troops
(zà-ú[s]) shall go to Gasur...”.
These last three documents connect Gasur to Mari.
c) Men from Gasur at Ebla
Twenty-two monthly documents register the distribution of sheep during
the two years preceding the final catastrophe. Some animals were provided
also to guests from prominent cities : first of all Armi, with the largest number of people, then Nagar, Gasur, Ibal, Dulu (where two people from Gasur
resided), even Kiš, and the obscure ḪutimeLUM. These are cities outside the
area under the hegemony of Ebla, with the partial exclusion of Dulu and Ibal.
In order to evaluate this evidence, the list of the contexts with Gasur is given
here below :
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TM.75.G.1945 rev. xi 5-24 : 8 udu kú kas4-kas4 Du-lumki wa Ar-ḫa-duki “8 sheep
(as) food for the messengers of D. and A.” v 6 udu kú kas4-kas4 Na-gàrki v 6 udu kú
kas4-kas4 Kiški v 4 udu kú Ga-su-ru12ki v 2 udu kú Ib-al6ki
TM.75.G.2238 rev. v 14 v vi 7 (Pettinato 1979 : 171-172) : 38 udu kú lú-kar-lúkar Ar-miki lú ᵓÀ-bí v 6 udu kú Du-luki wa Ar-ḫa-duki v 4 udu kú Ga-su-luki v 2 udu
kú Na-gàrki wa Kiški
TM.75.G.2516(+) rev. ii 11-22 : 4 udu Ga-surxki Ì-lum-mu šu-du8 v 4 udu Šu-tigúki šu-du8 v 1 udu kú 2 kas4 Ib-al6ki
TM.75.G.2517(+) rev. iii 14-26 : 33 udu Ar-miki lú ‘À-bí v 4 udu [kú] Ga-su-luki
v 2 udu kú 2 Du-luki v 2 udu kú Ḫu-ti-me-LUMki
TM.75.G.2598 obv. xiv v rev. I 15 : ... Ar-miki ... 2 Ar-mi v 8 udu kú Ar-miki-Armiki šu-ti Ì-lum-mu šu-du8 v 4 udu kú Ga-surxki Ì-lum-mu šu-du8 v 2 udu kú Ar-miki ...
v 1 udu kú Ḫu-ti-me-LUMki
TM.75.G.10167 obv. x 3 v xi 6 : ... Ar-miki-Ar-miki ... v ... Ar-miki-Ar-miki ... v 8
udu ... [Ar-miki] lú-kar “tak4” v 4 udu kú 2 Ar-miki ša in Ù-ba-zi-gúki lú-kar v 4 udu kú
2 Ga-surki al6-tuš Du-lum<ki> v 4 udu kú Ḫu-ti-mi-LUMki v 2 udu kú 2 Ib-al6ki
TM.75.G.10168 obv. ix 15 v x 10 : ... Ar-miki-Ar-miki ... v ... Ar-miki-Ar-miki ... v
3 udu kú Ar-miki wa Ga-surxki lú Ì-lum-mu šu-du8
TM.75.G.11363 i′ 1′-5′ : [4 udu kú Ga-s]urxki [Ì-]lum-mu šu-du8 v 4 udu [...
d ) Other documents
TM.75.G.1245 and MEE X 39 (TM.75.G.2013) : see the considerations
here below.
ARET VII 77 concerns purchases of several kinds of goods ; § 1 : “47
shekels of silver : purchase (níg-sa10) of mušen-UD from Gasur”.
The fragmentary ARET III 447 i registers a man from Gasur together
with a man from Zilu.
MEE II 25 rev. ii 1 : “1 kilt (íb-) from Gasur”.
e) Considerations
The letter of Enna-Dagan, ARET XIII 4, presents a series of military
victories in the Euphrates valley in order to intimidate the king of Ebla. The
cities defeated by Iblul-il are enumerated in §§ 10-18 : Zaḫiran, which belonged to Abarsal (probably Tell Ḫuerā) ; some “lands” of Burman : Šadab,
AddaliNI and Arišum ; other small cities ; Ḫazuwan (probably Tilbeșar, southeast of Gaziantep) ; MaNE, the harbour of Ebla on the Euphrates ; and Imar
(already conquered earlier by Ištup-išar, § 8). One expects that the cities in
the following section (§ 19) would also belong to this area : “Naḫal, Nubad,
and Šadab, lands of Gasur in Ganane” (Bonechi 1991 : 7-8). Šadab, in § 12 is
instead “a land” of Burman! Nubad could be another spelling of later Nabada
(Tell Beidar), in the Ḫabur triangle, which actually belonged to Nagar.
Text TM.75.G.1245 is a report by Iram-malik, a merchant, about his
activity in the Euphrates valley for an undetermined period : Tuttul appears
in §§ 26 and 28 ; Mari in § 29 ; Lumnan in § 32. There is also Gasur (§§ 16,
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34), together with Šadab (§§ 17, 18, 24) and Nubadu (§ 23), which form
a cluster (together with Naḫal), in the Enna-Dagan’s letter 54. There are no
factual elements enabling us to date this document ; the ductus, however, is in
favour of an early phase.
MEE X 39 (TM.75.G.2013) lists “10 people of Kablul residing (tuš) in
Gasur” among some “prisoners (šu-du8)” which Ebla gathered in its small
center of Alaga. Kablul lay also to the east of the Euphrates, but inside the
regions with which Ebla had regular relations.
Enna-Dagan’s letter and TM.75.G.1245 could be in favour of a localization of Gasur in the Euphrates valley. One has, however, to consider that those
earliest occurrences of Gasur reflect the perception from Mari, concerned with
its eastern regions, and, therefore, quite different from what we may expect on
the part of Ebla. It was a messenger from Mari who brought the news of the
defeat of Gasur by Mari itself. Consequently, an Eblaite scribe dated a delivery to Mari and the death of its queen Paba according to this event, ARET II
4 and TM.75.G.1559 respectively (above). Some messengers from Gasur even
reached Ebla (ARET II 4). Similarly, several years later, messengers from
Mari brought the news to Ebla that Akšak, Adab and Kiš had been defeated 55.
These were all events which affected the political balance between Ebla and
its rival Mari, and that between Mari and the Transtigridian region.
Two texts from approximately four and five years later mention the
arrival of a merchant (u5) of Gasur at Ebla, ARET VII 1 and TM.75.G.2236.
There is then a break in the sources for probably about thirty years. The four
chancellery documents (above, b) are letters. Two or three of them, addressed
to the minister Ibbi-zikir, concern military actions against Gasur, in coordination with Mari. ARET XVI 2 reports that, at a certain point peace was reached
between Mari and Gasur.
The monthly documents of the distribution of sheep (above, c) reflect this
temporary situation of peace and Ebla’s interest in having constant and direct
relations with Gasur, which ranked as an important state together with Nagar,
Ibal, Dulu, and even Kiš.
This state of affairs is in favour of the identification of the Gasur of
the Ebla documents with the city of this name east of the Tigris. The scanty
sources prevent our following any closer the complicated game of alliances
54
The text has been studied in Archi 2005 ; at pp. 15-17 there is a discussion of the geographic horizon in which the merchant Iram-malik operated.
55
For Akšak (Ag-sa-gúki), see TM.75.G.2359 (Ibrium IX) : messengers from Tuttul and
Mari ; ARES II : 148 ; for Adab, see TM.75.G.1918 (Ibbi-zikir V) rev. III 24-28 : “Šugadu (the
steward) of Mari who brought the news that Adab was conquered (šu-ba4-ti)” ; for Kiš, see,
e.g., TM.75.G.1464 (Ibrium XII) obv. III 1-5 : “Tešna of Mari who brought the news that Kiš
was destroyed (til)”.
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which Ebla plotted with Nagar and Kiš against Mari, probably trying to include Gasur also. The lack of other genres of sources concerning the years in
which Gasur and Ebla established direct relations (above, c) may be explained
by the fact that the yearly mu-DU documents of the last four years (those
concerning the deliveries to Ebla) were never drawn up (or are missing), and
the AAMs of the last four years are extremely fragmentary.
The relations between Ebla and Gasur documented by the archives of
Ebla during the last years before the destruction of this city make plausible
that Maškan-dūr-Ebla, maš-kán-BÀD-Ib-la, “Fortified settlement of Ebla”,
received its name because of the presence of Eblaite messengers and traders
in the region of Gasur. The name of this settlement “appears in the lower
left-hand corner of (an Old Akkadian) tablet (from Gasur), on the side that
is inscribed IM-MAR-TU, ‛west’”. The tablet, HSS X 1, represents a map.
“Since it was found among business documents and has on it a record of land,
it is natural to suppose that it was prepared to indicate the location of some
estate” (Meek 1935 : XVII). This settlement is mentioned as Dūr-Ibla also in
documents of the Ur III period (EdzardvFarber 1974 : 35).
10. Aššur
The document TM.75.G.2250 contains numerous references to Ibbizikir’s campaign against Mari (three years before the fall of Ebla) and to
the subsequent peace. Representatives of the following allied cities received
garments : Raᵓak, Burman, Imar, Utik, Ḫarran, Garmu, Kakmium, NIrar and
Haddu. There was intense diplomatic activity in relations with Kiš. Four men
from Mari received clothes from the Eblaite administration for having gone
to Kiš : PN1-PN4 Ma-ríki DU.DU in Kiški (rev. v 28 v vi 7). Another man from
Mari is said to have gone to Kiš (rev. viii 14 v ix 2) ; then 2+2 garments are
given to two unnamed men from A-šu-ru12ki, who also went to Kiš (DU.DU
Kiški, rev. ix 3-6). This context is, therefore, in favour of the identification of
A-šu-ru12ki with Aššur. This tablet is dated to Month II of the Common Semitic
Calendar (iti ik-za), and reference is made to “the military campaign (against)
Mari, níg-kas4 Ma-ríki, rev. x 13-14..
The tablet TM.75.G.2278 is dated to this same month (according, however, to the local calendar : iti še-gur10-ku5). In rev. iv 1, A-šu-úrki is mentioned
in the following sequence of cities : NE-ša-u9ki, Kablul, Aš(š)ur, DU (rev.
iii 11v IV 3). In obv. xi 6-13 “garments (are given to) Abu, the barber, the
representative of Ibbi-zikir, who consigned the agreement of Kešdut”, A-bù
šu-i maškim I-bí-zi-kir šu-mu-“tak4” zu-lu-mu Kéš-du-ut ; subsequently, rev. iv
3-10, “garments (are given to) Adaša of Išgaᵓum, who consigned (to the court
of Kiš) the agreement of (princess) Kešdut (to marry the son of the king of
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40
Alfonso Archi
Kiš) from (minister) Ibbi-zikir”, ᵓÀ-da-ša lú Iš11-ga-um šu-mu-“tak4” zu-lu-mu
Kéš-du-ut áš-du I-bí-zi-kir 56. This was the climax of the peace offensive by the
minister after his victory over Mari. He did not neglect even to give a small
cup of gold to the son of the defeated king of Mari, ḪI-dar, and to an unknown
son of another important personage of that city, rev. ix 1-16 : 6 (gín) kù-gi 1
zi-bar I-bí-zi-kir ì-na-sum Šum-da-ar dumu-nita ḪI-da-ar Ma-ríki 6 (gín) kù-gi
1 zi-bar é ti-TÚG ì-na-sum (unwritten) dumu-nita Iš-má-ì Ma-ríki 57.
11. Final remarks
According to Moorey (1995 : 441) “the little evidence we have, not least
that from the time of Šamšī-Adad I, (is in favour of placing) Tukriš within
the Zagros or just to the east either in Iranian Kurdistan or Azerbaijan, rather
than further south in Luristan” 58. Ebla became aware of the importance of the
Transtrigrids region, that is the Šubartu of the 3rd millennium b.c., through the
city of Armi (probably later Samsat), in eastern Anatolia. Not surprisingly, the
caravan and trade route which connected northern Mesopotamia with eastern
Anatolia in the Old Assyrian period was already in use in the 3rd millennium :
after having reached Qaṭṭarā (Tell Rimāh) “the shorter, more direct road would
have passed north of the Ğebel Sinjār, to head in northwestern direction towards the area of Samsat via Apum (tell Leilān)” (Veenhof 2008 : 80).
M. Guichard (2005 : 320-323) has noted that luxury goods from Tukriš,
inventoried in some documents of the time of Jaḫdun-Lîm and Zimrī-Lîm,
had been sent from Aleppo to the court of Mari, while a vase was given to
Zimrī-Lîm by a bedouin chief at Yakullum, a town south of Karkamiš, on the
Euphrates. This is a further proof that the goods from Tukriš reached first the
56
These two passages concerning Aššur have been already commented on in Archi–Biga
2003 : 18. zu-lu-mu is, of course, /sulummû/ “agreement”. Biga (2010) has noted that zu-lu-mu
alternates with KA.AŠ also in the passages concerning the negotiations for the marriage of
princess Kešdut. MEE VII 23 (TM.75.G.1689) obv. ii 5-10 is a parallel passage to TM.75.G.2278
obv. xi 6-13, mentioned here above ; it runs : (garments) A-bù šu-i maškim I-bí-zi-kir šu-mu“tak4” KA.AŠ Kéš-du-ut. Biga suggests that KA.AŠ should be read zú-rum, a variant of zulu-mu “dates”, which would mean that in Ebla there was the custom of girls, about to marry,
indicating their consent by sending (a basket of) dates to the future consort! Pomponio, ARET
XV/2 : 482, s.v. zú-rum, has followed Biga’s suggestion. The value rum/rum for AŠ is, however, not attested at Ebla, and, in any case, /l/ would not be expressed by a sign of the series
R. According to the rule, it is /r/ which may be expressed by signs of the series L ; not vice versa.
KA.AŠ, has to be read ka-aš, Akk. purussûm “decision”, as Pettinato (1992 : 282) had already
seen, a meaning accepted in Archi, together with Biga 2003 : 27 note 70!
57
A-su-úr ki in ARET III 159 obv. iii 2′ and 5′ : (] ugula? A-[su-]ur ki šu-du8 in A-su-úr ki),
seems to refer to another centre.
58
Cfr. Komoróczy 1972 : 115. Moorey (1995 : 440) points out that “a town called Tikrish in
the land of the Manneans in the present-day Iranian Azerbaijan is mentioned in the correspondence of Sargon II (with bibliography).
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Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
41
Samsat area through the trade route used also by the Assyrian merchants, then
reaching Ebla by descending along the Euphrates 59.
In the attempt to establish a diplomatic connection with Šubartu, the first
choice for Ebla was Ḫamazi, probably determined by a political plan : to have
an allied state which could represent a threat from the east for its rival, Mari.
The wars of Iblul-il against Gasur (above, paragraph 9) show that Mari had the
problem of securing its north-eastern border. Ḫamazi was the most important
city from the Sumerian and Babylonian perspective : the Sumerian King List
identifies it as one of the city-states which succeeded in exercising hegemony
over Babylonia during part of the pre-Sargonic period 60. The Sumerian poems
depict Ḫamazi as “a liminal city, since it was part of the uncultured land, the
chaos, before its integration into the civilized area and was later still situated
on the fringes. ... Its people share the characteristics of foreigners who are
seen as non-human and lacking intelligence” (Wilcke 2012 : 7). Tukriš was
apparently closer to the northern trade route connecting the Iranian regions
with eastern Anatolia, therefore favoured by those travelling to the major
centre of west-northern Syria. It was in fact through this route that Mari in the
2nd millennium obtained goods from Tukriš.
For a period of about 10[+ x] years, on the basis of a sound but incomplete
documentation, Ebla sent to Dugurasu a rather moderate quantity of jewels
and weapons decorated with gold, 14.1 kg of silver and 8.46 kg of tin. The
quantity of lapis lazuli, 32.90[+ x] kg, is, however, remarkable, considering
that the amount of this stone obtained by the Ebla administration from Mari
as ceremonial gifts over the first thirteen years of minister Ibbi-zikir’s term
in office was 72 kg, and that acquired on the market was 57 kg (Archi 2017).
This fact may be explained by the need of Ebla for reciprocate the sending
of ivory (si am) by Dugurasu, its only source for such goods. When the court
had to send a magnificent gift to the king of Kiš having reached agreement
on the marriage of princess Kešdut with a son of the king of Kish, it was
chosen to send three lapis lazuli plates framed with gold, TM.76.G.540 obv.
vii 16-viii 5 : “3+3+3 garments ; 1 ;11 minas of gold for 1 plate of lapis lazuli,
50 shekels of gold for 1 plate of lapis lazuli, 45 shekels of gold for 1 plate of
lapis lazuli : gifts (for) the king of Kiš and his son (and) Uškunnunu of Kiš”
(Archi 2017 : 000). This was not felt as a contradiction, although all the lapis
59
Guichard (2005 : 323) is, however, tempted by these data to place Tukriš further west
than is usually thought.
60
On the importance of Ḫamazi in the 3rd millennium b.c., see Steinkeller 1998 : 78-85.
Judging from the name of Zizi of Ḫamazi and ᵓAwa from Dugurasu/Tukriš, it is difficult to
accept, however, that the Transtigris region was linguistically predominantly Semitic, as he
suggests (85-90).
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Alfonso Archi
lazuli which reached Ebla was controlled directly or indirectly by Mari, and,
therefore, (downstream) by Kiš!
In one case, Ebla even sent lapis lazuli to Dulu : a magnificent gift similar
to those for the king of Dugurasu, TM.75.G.2480 obv. i 12-ii 7 : 6 gada-TÚG
2 ma-na babbar :kù 2 ma-na an-na 2 ma-na gìn-gìn en Du-luki Ni-zi-ma-il šumu-tak4 “6 linen textiles, 940 g of silver, 940 g of tin, 940 g of lapis lazuli
(for) the king of Dulu ; Nizi-ma-il has consigned”.
Dugurasu sent clothes (6.1.1.) and semi-precious stones (6.1.2.), as is
expected from the region of Tukriš, according to the Mesopotamian sources
from the 3rd to the 1st millennium b.c. ; but it did not send lapis, as the
Sumerian literary topos says. On the contrary, it was Ebla which sent lapis,
being obliged to reciprocate One has to deduce that the trade of this stone was
monopolized by Kiš and Mari at that time.
The Mari documentation (Guichard 2005 : 220-224) makes it clear that
the laḫmu / AN.A.LAGABxAN animal was also known in the Euphrates
region, but “teeth” (zú) of an aquatic animal assimilated to it came only from
the east (6.1.5.).
The fourth item which characterizes the objects sent from Dugurasu is
ivory : there is no doubt that some small vases and other objects were made in
“ivory“, si am ; the 51 si am were therefore elephant tusks (6.1.4).
The Ebla administrative documents confirm that the means of obtaining
luxury items was couched in the terminology of diplomatic exchanges of
gifts. Eblaite yearly and monthly documents enable us to quantify for the first
time the amounts of these gifts over a period of roughly 35 years : they were
clearly meant to satisfy the demands of an elite. As Moorey (1993 : 43) has
already stated : “The place of Iran in Sumerian literature from an early date is
alone indicative of the relationship’s centrality and vitality. Taken together the
evidence of artefacts and texts sustains a minimalist rather than a maximalist
view of the overland trade between them, a trade in luxuries for the privileged
rather than in staples for the masses.”
According to the myth, before Enmerkar had submitted the lord of Aratta,
trade did not yet exist (Jacobsen 1987 : 280-281). By contrast with this, the
Sumerian kings established trade with the eastern regions, which probably
reached an important dimension 61, but this is impossible to determine. The
many kinds of goods which Gudea boasted of having obtained from every part
of the world were to be used in building the temple for his god 62.
61
Ur-nammu says : “the boundary for the ships of Magan, which the gods An and Enlil
granted (to him)...”, Frayne 1997 : 41 (Ur-Nammu E3/2.1.1.17 i 3-7).
62
See in particular Gudea, Statue B v 21-vi 69, Edzard 1997 : 33-35.
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Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
43
Egypt is conspicuously absent from the evidence of Ebla, which is
explicable as a direct consequence of the fact that the so-called Secondary
Urbanization received its impulse from the east.
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Wilcke, C. 2012. The Sumerian Poem Enmerkar and En-suḫkeš-ana : Epic,
Play, Or? (AOS. Essays 12). New Haven, Connecticut.
Wilhelm, G. 2003. “König Silber und König Ḫidam”. Pp. 393-395 in : Fs.
H. A. Hoffner. Winona Lake, Indiana.
Wilkens, B. 2002. “I frammenti di avorio e di osso lavorato da Ebla (Tell
Mardikh). I materiali e le tecniche di lavorazione”. Pp. 81-83 in :
G. Scandone Matthiae, Gli avori egittizzanti del Palazzo Settentrionale
(MSAE III). Roma.
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48
Alfonso Archi
Bibliographical abbreviations concerning Ebla
ARES : Archivi Reali di Ebla Studi. Roma 1985-.
ARET : Archivi Reali di Ebla Testi. Roma 1981-.
MEE : Materiali Epigrafici di Ebla. Napoli 1979-.
MSAE : Materiali e Studi Archeologici di Ebla, Roma 1992-.
SEb : Studi Eblaiti 1-7, Roma 1979-1984.
ARES I : A. Archi (ed.), Eblaite Personal Names ans Semitic Name-giving.
Papers od a Symposium held in Rome. July 15-17. Roma 1985.
ARES II : A. Archi v P. Piacentini v F. Pomponio, I nomi di luogo dei testi di
Ebla. Roma 1993.
ARES IV : M. Civil, The Early Dynastic Practical Vocabulary A (Archaic
HAR-ra A). Roma 2008.
ARET I : A. Archi, Testi amministrativi : assegnazioni di tessuti. Roma 1985.
ARET II : D. O. Edzard, Verwaltungstexte verschiedenen Inhalts. Roma 1981.
ARET III : A. Archi v M. G. Biga, Testi amministrativi di vario contenuto.
Roma 1982.
ARET IV : M. G. Biga v L. Milano, Testi amministrativi : assegnazioni di
tessuti. Roma 1984.
ARET VII : A. Archi, Testi amministrativi : registrazioni di metalli e tessuti.
Roma 1988.
ARET IX : L. Milano, Testi amministrativi : assegnazioni di prodotti alimentari. Roma 1990.
ARET XII : M. Lahlouh v A. Catagnoti, Testi amministrativi di vario contenuto. Roma 2006.
ARET XIII : P. Fronzaroli, Testi di cancelleria : i rapporti con le città. Roma
2003.
ARET XIV : A. Archi, Testi amministrativi : le consegne (mu-DU) al Palazzo
(forthcoming).
ARET XV, 1, 2 : F. Pomponio, Testi amministrativi : assegnazioni mensili di
tessuti, periodo di Arrugum. Roma 2008, 2013.
ARET XVI : A. Catagnoti v P. Fronzaroli, Testi di cancelleria : il re e i funzionari, I. Roma 2010.
ARET XX : A. Archi, Testi amministrativi : assegnazioni di tessuti, in particolare per il personale del Palazzo (forthcoming).
MEE II : G. Pettinato, Testi amministrativi della biblioteca L. 2769. Napoli
1980.
MEE III : G. Pettinato, Testi lessicali monolingui della biblioteca L. 2769,
Napoli 1981.
© Gregorian Biblical Press 201 - Tutti i diritti riservati
Egypt or Iran in the Ebla Texts ?
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MEE VII : F. D’Agostino, Testi amministrativi di Ebla. Archivio L. 2769.
Roma 1996.
MEE X : P. Mander, Administrative Texts of the Archive L. 2769. Roma 1990.
MEE XII : H. Waetzoldt, Wirtschafts- und Verwaltungstexte aus Ebla. Archiv
L. 2769, Roma 2001.
Via Montevideo 2A
I-00198 Roma
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Alfonso Archi