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Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah

Profile image of Livnat HoltzmanLivnat Holtzman

2009, Essays in Arabic Literary Biography

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Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya
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This paper explores Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya's contribution to Quranic exegesis and his singular hermeneutics. Drawing from his mentor Ibn Taymiyya, Ibn al-Qayyim presents a complex rationalized version of traditionalistic text-based hermeneutics.

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Review: A Scholar in the shadow, edited volume on Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziya
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The Contribution of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya to Salafi Sufism
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This article aims to explore the Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya’s original views on Sufism. Ibn Qayyim is regarded as an authority in Salafi circles who reject Sufism as a legitimate representation of Islam, especially its philosophical orientation. This article uses a literature research model to reach the finding that Ibn Qayyim understood Sufism as a moral system and part of the science of Islamic morality. Sufism aims to purify the soul to prepare it for its return to God along the path of love. The basis of Sufism as revised by Ibn Qayyim was the Qur’ān, the Sunnah, the traditions of the companions, the ideas of Ibn Taymiyya, and the teachings words of the early Sufi masters. Ibn Qayyim strongly adhered to the orthodox principles of Islamic scholarship later dubbed as Salafism, especially in terms of prioritizing the shari‘a over reason and rejecting esoteric interpretation (ta’wīl). For Ibn Qayyim, the Sufi philosophers were misled in overly relying on ta’wīl and disregarding the role...

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Ibn Qaiyyim al-Jawziyyah: A Versatile and Encyclopaedic Scholar
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The Influence of Ibn Qayyim Al-Jauziyah in the Reality of Muslims Today
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Ibn Qayyim invites and calls on Muslims to ijtihad and leave taklid, Ibn Qayyim al-Jauziyah is a scholar who is very persistent in fighting blind taklid and calling for freedom of thought, but still clinging to the main points of Islamic teachings and the creed of the Salaf. In Ibn Qayyim's view, ijtihad must develop in accordance with the development of situations and conditions in various places and times. Therefore he put forward a rule: Fi taghayyir al-fatawa wa ikhtilafiha bi hasbi taghayyir al-azminah wa al-amkinah wa al-ahwal wa al-niyat wa al-'awa'id. According to him, an important factor in formulating legal provisions or legal stipulations must be related to five things, namely al-azminah (the situation of the times), al-amkinah (the situation of the place), al-ahwal (the circumstances), al-niyat (the cause of desires), and al-awa'id (customs). All of this affects the development of law, so that Islamic law can truly be lived as a law that is rahmatan lil &...

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Review of Islamic Theology, Philosophy and Law: Debating Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, ed. Georges Tamer and Birgit Krawietz (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013)
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A Scholar in the Shadow: Essays in the Legal and Theological Thought of Ibn Qayyim al-Gawziyyah, Oriente Moderno 90, 1 (2010)
Livnat Holtzman

Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah (1292-1350), the author of several key-works in Islamic law, theology, and mysticism, is chiefly known in Western scholarship as the most devoted disciple of the great Hanbali theologian and jurisconsult, Ibn Taymiyyah (1263-1328). While substantial innovative research was recently published by Western scholars about Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah’s broad literary corpus remains almost unexplored. Although some of Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah's works were recognized as unique and, in some cases, were used as the almost exclusive source for research, Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah was rarely credited for them as an independent and substantial thinker. This book examines Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah’s contributions to several fields of Islamic knowledge. The articles here offer new insights on his legal and theological thought, while revealing his views on a wide range of subjects, thematically divided into Society and Law, God and Man, and Body and Soul. The book also offers a fresh reading in the biographical sources on Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah, and suggests some new trajectories for future research. The articles featured in this volume, written by leading scholars in their respective fields, portray Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah as a systematic theologian and scholar, who strives to integrate highly theoretical discussions with practical aspects of everyday life. A Scholar in the Shadow is the first comprehensive academic treatment of Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah’s legal and theological thought. The book attempts to decipher the appeal of Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah to modern Muslims and others interested in early medieval Islam, while highlighting Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah’s contributions to Islamic thought. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Caterina Bori and Livnat Holtzman, A Scholar in the Shadow Society and Law Birgit Krawietz, Transgressive Creativity in the Making. Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah’s Reframing within Hanbali Legal Methodology Yehoshua Frenkel, Islamic Utopia under the Mamluks: The Social and Legal Ideals of Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah David Freidenreich, Five Questions about Non-Muslim Meat: Toward a New Appreciation of Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah’s God and Man Jon Hoover, God’s Wise Purposes in Creating Iblis. Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah’s Theodicy of God’s Names and Attributes Yasir Qadhi, The ‘Unleashed Thunderbolts’ of Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah: An Introductory Essay Abdessamad Belhaj, Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah et sa contribution à la rhétorique arabe Ovamir Anjum, Sufism without Mysticism? Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah’s Objectives in Madariğ al-Salikin Body and Soul Irmeli Perho, Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah’s Contribution to the Prophet’s Medicine Tzvi Langermann, The Naturalization of Science in Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah’s Kitab al-Ruh Geneviève Gobillot, Corps (badan), âme (nafs) et esprit (ruh) selon Ibn Qayyim al-Ğawziyyah à travers son Kitab al-ruh. Entre théologie rationnelle et pensée mystique Bibliography Index

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Elements of Acceptance and Rejection in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya’s Systematic Reading of Ibn Hazm
Livnat Holtzman

"The well-written works of the prolific Damascene scholar, Abū Bakr Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr al-Zurʿī, commonly known as Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350), which are far from being thoroughly researched and exhausted, represent the vibrant inner world of a scholar, whose wide range of interests covers law, speculative and moral theology, mysticism and poetry. Gaining his reputation mainly as the devoted disciple of Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya’s works are fundamentally an interpretation of his master’s legal and doctrinal work. Nevertheless, as the investigation of his works slowly progresses, it becomes evident that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya developed his own taste while drawing from different sources of inspiration, not relying solely on his master’s literary output. Ibn Ḥazm’s thought, whose presence in the writings of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya is conspicuous, is one such source of inspiration. Tracing the sometimes elusive reflection Tracing the sometimes elusive reflection of Ibn Ḥazm’s legacy in Ibn Qayyim al- Jawziyya’s works is a useful means to demonstrate his literary inclinations, which flourished independently in the margins of his theological thought, quite detached from the thought of his master. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya was not a typical scholar: carrying the torch of Ibn Taymiyya’s controversial ideas, while being constantly persecuted and harrassed by his Shāfiʿī-Ashʿarite contemporaries, he cannot be regarded as epresentative of the majority of scholars in 14th century Damascus. Still, the depth of his acquaintance with the writings of Ibn Ḥazm can be considered indicaticative of the reception of Ḥazmian thought in Mamluk Damascus. It can also be the starting point of an investigation into Ibn Ḥazm's influence in the East. Several questions should be addressed in reference to the Ḥazmian-Jawziyyan connection: Which of Ibn Ḥazm’s works did Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya study, and for what purpose? What literary devices does Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya use when analyzing the Ḥazmian text? And finally, what role does the Ḥazmian text play in the Jawziyyan text? By answering these questions, the present article will mainly address the way Ibn Qayyim al- Jawziyya examines, understands and interprets Ibn Ḥazm's writings, and the contribution of the latter to Jawziyyan thought."

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Book Review: Ibn Taymiyya and His Times. Edited by Yossef Rapoport and Shahab Ahmed - in 'Die Welt des Islams'
Imran Iqbal
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"A Scholar in the Shadow", in: A Scholar in the Shadow: Essays in the Legal and Theological Thought of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, pp. 13-44
Caterina Bori
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IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH 202 60. Geburtstag (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2008), 15-56 (contains the edition of a taqr!" by Ibn Nub!tah); Geert Jan van Gelder, “The Conceit of Pen and Sword: On an Arabic Literary Deabte,” Journal of Semitic Studies 32 (1987): 329-60; "Awa# al-Ghub!r$, “al-Tan!%% f$ shi"r Ibn Nub!tah al-Mi%r$,” in his Dir#s#t f! adab Mi$r al-isl#m! (Cairo: D!r al-Thaq!fah al"Arabiyyah, 2003), 149-230; Everett K. Rowson, “An Alexandrian Age in Fourteenth-Century Damascus: Twin Commentaries on Two Celebrated Arabic Epistles,” Maml%k Studies Review 7 (2003): 97110. IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH (1292 – 1350) LIVNAT HOLTZMAN Bar Ilan University WORKS Early Works al-Fut%&#t al-qudsiyyah (The Jerusalem Triumphs, not extant); al-Tu&fah al-makkiyyah (The Precious Gift from Mecca, not extant); al-Mawrid al-$#f! (The Clear Spring, not extant); Ma'rifat al-r%& (Knowledge of the Soul, not extant); Tahdh!b Sunan Ab! D#(%d (The Neat Arrangement of the Hadith Collection of Ab& D!'&d); al-Man#r al-mun!f f! ’l-$a&!& wa’l-)a'!f (The Lofty Lighttower, on Authentic and Weak Hadiths), also entitled Naqd al-manq%l wa’lmi&akk al-mumayyiz bayna ’l-mard%d wa’lmaqb%l (Criticism of Hadiths, and the Touchstone which Separates Unacceptable from Acceptable Hadiths); al-Fur%siyyah (Horsemanship); I'l#m al-muwaqqi'!n 'an rabb al-'#lam!n (Informing the Drafters of Legal Documents about the Lord of All Being); Kit#b al-r%& (The Book of the Soul); Jal#( al-afh#m f! ’l-$al#h wa’l-sal#m 'al# khayr al-an#m (Enlightening Minds concerning the Prayer and Invoking Blessings on [the Prophet Mu(ammad], Who Is the Best of Humankind); Kit#b al-$al#h wa-&ukm t#rikih# (The Book of Prayer and the Legal Ruling on One Who Fails to Perform It); al-Tiby#n f! aqs#m al-Qur(#n (Explaining the Oaths in the Qur’an); al-W#bil al-$ayyib min al-kalim al-*ayyib (The Heavy Shower of Good Utterances); Hid#yat al-&ay#r# f! ajwibat al-yah%d wa’lna$#r# (Guiding the Bewildered, on Responses to the Jews and Christians); Kashf al-ghi*#( 'an &ukm sam#' al-ghin#( (Lifting the Veil from the Legal Ruling on Listening to Singing). Middle Works A&k#m ahl al-dhimmah (Laws regarding the Dhimm$s); al-+uruq al-&ukmiyyah f! ’l-siy#sah al-shar'iyyah (The Ways of Governance, on Islamic Law regarding Rule); al-K#fiyah al-sh#fiyah f! ’l-inti$#r li’l-firqah aln#jiyah (The Sufficient and Healing [Poem] on the Vindication of the Saved Sect); also entitled al-Qa$!dah al-n%niyyah (The Ode Rhyming in -n); Ijtim#' al-juy%sh al-isl#miyyah 'al# ghazw almu'a**ilah wa’l-jahmiyyah (Mustering the Islamic Armies to Attack the Mu"a))ilah and the Jahmiyyah); 203 al-D#( wa’l-daw#( (The Malady and the Remedy), also known as al-Jaw#b al-k#f! li-man sa(ala 'an al-daw#( al-sh#f! (The Sufficient Answer to the One Who Seeks a Cure); ,#d! al-arw#& il# bil#d al-afr#& (The Leader of Souls to the Land of Joys); Bad#(i' al-faw#(id (Amazing Benefits); Raw)at al-mu&ibb!n wa-nuzhat al-musht#q!n (The Garden of Lovers and the Promenade of Those Who Yearn); Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah wa-mansh%r wil#yat al'ilm wa’l-ir#dah (The Key to the Abode of Happiness and the Decree of the Sovereignty of Knowledge and Will). Later Works Shif#( al-'al!l f! mas#(il al-qa)#( wa’l-qadar wa’l-&ikmah wa’l-ta'l!l (Healing the Person Afflicted with Wrong Concepts about Predetermination, Wisdom and Causality); al--aw#'iq al-mursalah 'al# ’l-jahmiyyah wa’lmu'a**ilah (Thunderbolts Directed against the Jahmiyyah and the Mu"a))ilah); al-Faw#(id (The Benefits); Igh#that al-lahf#n min ma$#yid al-shay*#n (Rescuing the Distressed from Satan’s Snares); 'Uddat al-$#bir!n wa-dhakh!rat al-sh#kir!n (Implements for the Patient and Provisions for the Grateful); +ar!q al-hijratayn wa-b#b al-sa'#datayn (The Road of the Two Migrations and the Gate Leading to Two Joys); Mad#rij al-s#lik!n bayna man#zil iyy#ka na'budu wa-iyy#ka nasta'!n (Stages of the Travellers Between the Stations of “Thee only we serve; to Thee alone we pray for Succor” [Qur’an 1:5]); Tu&fat al-mawd%d bi-a&k#m al-mawl%d (The Gift of the Beloved regarding Laws Dealing with the Newborn); Z#d al-ma'#d f! hady khayr al-'ib#d (Provisions for the Afterlife, on the Teachings of the Best of All People); al-+ibb al-nabaw! (The Medicine of the Prophet). Editions The majority of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works is available in a CD-ROM version: IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH Mu(allaf#t shaykh al-isl#m Ibn Taymiyyah wa-tilm!dhihi Ibn al-Qayyim, al-Tur!th— Markaz li-Ab(!th al-*is!b al-+l$ (Amman 1419/1999). Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works are also available at the following URLs (last visited 28 February 2009): http://www.alwaraq.net http://www.sahab.net/ http://www.al-eman.com/Islamlib/ http://arabic.islamicweb.com/Books/ al-+uruq al-&ukmiyyah f! ’l-siy#sah al-shar'iyyah (Cairo: Ma)ba"at al-+d!b wa’l-Mu'ayyid, 1899); ed. Mu(ammad *!mid al-Fiq$ as al+uruq al-&ukmiyyah f! ’l-siy#sah al-shar'iyyah aw al-fir#sah al-mar)iyyah f! a&k#m alsiy#sah al-shar'iyyah (Cairo: Ma)ba"at alSunnah al-Mu(ammadiyyah 1953, repr. Beirut: D!r al-Kutub al-"Ilmiyyah, n.d.); al-K#fiyah al-sh#fiyah f! ’l-inti$#r li’l-firqah aln#jiyah, as al-Qa$!dah al-n%niyyah li-Ab! 'Abd All#h Mu&ammad ibn Ab! Bakr alma'r%f bi-Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah allat! samm#h# bi’l-K#fiyah al-sh#fiyah f! ’l-inti$#r li’l-firqah al-n#jiyah (Cairo: al-Ma)ba"ah alKhayriyyah, 1901); ed. "Abd All!h ibn Mu(ammad al-"Umayr (Riyadh: D!r Ibn Khuzaymah, 1996); Hid#yat al-&ay#r# f! ajwibat al-yah%d wa’lna$#r# (Cairo: Ma)ba"at al-Taqaddum 1905); ed. Ab& "Abd al-Ra(m!n "+dil ibn Sa"d (Cairo: D!r Ibn al-Haytham, n.d.); Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah wa-mansh%r wil#yat al'ilm wa’l-ir#dah (Cairo: Ma)ba"at al-Sa"!dah, 1905); ed. Sa"$d Ab& Haytham and "Al$ Mu(ammad (Cairo: D!r al-*ad$th, 1997); Kit#b al-r%& (Hyderabad: Ma)ba"at Majlis D!'irat al-Ma"!rif al-Ni,!miyyah, 1906); Shif#( al-"al!l f! mas#(il al-qa)#( wa’l-qadar wa’l-&ikmah wa’l-ta"l!l, ed. Mu(ammad Badr al-D$n Ab& Fir!s al-Nu"m!n$ al-*alab$ (Cairo: Ma)ba"at al-*usayniyyah 1906); ed. alSayyid Mu(ammad al-Sayyid and Sa"$d Ma(m&d (Cairo: D!r al-*ad$th, 1994); Mad#rij al-s#lik!n bayna man#zil iyy#ka na'budu wa-iyy#ka nasta'!n, ed. Mu(ammad Rash$d Ri#! (Cairo: Ma)ba"at al-Man!r 1912); ed. "Im!d al-"+% (Cairo: D!r al-*ad$th, 1996); al-Faw#(id (Cairo: Id!rat al--ib!"ah alMun$riyyah, 1925); ed. Sayyid ibn Rajab IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH (Mansura and Farskour-Damietta: D!r Ibn Rajab, 2001); Z#d al-ma'#d f! hady khayr al-'ib#d, 2 vols. (Cairo: Ma)b!"at "Abd al-La)$f, 1928); ed. Shu"ayb al-Arn!'&) and "Abd al-Q!dir alArn!'&) (Beirut and Kuwait: Mu'assasat alRis!lah and Maktabat al-Man!r al-Isl!miyyah, 1986); 5 vols., ed. Mu%)af! "Abd alQ!dir "A)!' (Beirut: D!r al-Kutub al"Ilmiyyah, 1998); Raw)at al-mu&ibb!n wa-nuzhat al-musht#q!n, ed. A(mad "Ubayd (Damascus: al-Maktabah al"Arabiyyah, 1930); ed. "Abd All!h al-Minsh!w$ (al-Man%&rah: Maktabat al-.m!n, n.d.); Ijtim#' al-juy%sh al-isl#miyyah 'al# ghazw almu'a**ilah wa’l-jahmiyyah, ed. "Abd All!h ibn *asan al-Shaykh and Ibr!h$m al-Sh&r! (Cairo: Id!rat al--ib!"ah al-Mun$riyyah, 1932); ed. "Aww!d "Abd All!h al-Mu"taq as Ijtim#' al-juy%sh al-isl#miyyah (Riyadh: Maktabat al-Rushd li’l-Nashr wa’l-Tawz$", 1999); ,#d! al-arw#& il# bil#d al-afr#&, ed. Ma(m&d *asan Rab$" (Cairo: Maktabat al-Azhar, 1938); ed. *!mid A(mad al--!hir (Cairo: D!r alFajr li’l-Tur!th, 2003); Mukhta$ar Tahdh!b sunan Ab! D#(%d li’l-,#fi" al-Mundhir! wa-Ma'#lim al-sunan li-Ab! Sulaym#n al-Kha**#b! wa-Tahdh!b al-im#m Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, 8 vols., ed. A(mad Mu(ammad Sh!kir and Mu(ammad *!mid al-Fiq$ (Cairo: D!r al-Ma"rifah, 1950, repr. Beirut 1980); al-+ibb al-nabaw!, ed. "Abd al-Ghan$ "Abd alKh!liq (Cairo: D!r "Umar ibn al-Kha))!b li’lNashr wa’l-Tawz$", 1957); ed. "Im!d Zak$ alB!r&d$ (Cairo: al-Maktabah al-Tawf$qiyyah, 2001); A&k#m ahl al-dhimmah, ed. /ub($ /!li( (Damascus: Ma)ba"at J!mi"at Dimashq, 1961); ed. -!h! "Abd al-Ra'&f Sa"d (Beirut: D!r alKutub al-"Ilmiyyah, 1995); Igh#that al-lahf#n min ma$#yid al-shay*#n, ed. Mu(ammad Sayyid K$l!n$ (Cairo: Ma)ba"at Mu%)af! al-B!b$ al-*alab$ wa-Awl!dih, 1961); ed. Mu(ammad *!mid al-Fiq$ (Beirut: D!r al-Ma"rifah, 1975); Tu&fat al-mawd%d bi-a&k#m al-mawl%d, ed. "Abd al-*ak$m Sharaf al-D$n (Bombay: Sharaf al-D$n al-Kutub$ wa-Awl!duhu, 1961); (Beirut: D!r al-Kutub al-"Ilmiyyah, n.d.); 204 I'l#m al-muwaqqi'!n 'an rabb al-'#lam!n, ed. "Abd al-Ra(m!n al-Wak$l (Cairo: D!r alKutub al-*ad$thah, 1968); ed. -!h! "Abd alRa'&f Sa"d (Beirut: D!r al-J$l, 1973); al-Tiby#n f! aqs#m al-Qur(#n, ed. -!h! Y&suf Sh!h$n (Cairo: D!r al--ib!"ah al-Mu(ammadiyyah, 1968); Bad#(i' al-faw#(id (Beirut: D!r al-Kit!b al-"Arab$, 1970); al-Man#r al-mun!f f! ’l-$a&!& wa’l-)a'!f, ed. "Abd al-Fatt!( Ab& Ghuddah (Aleppo: Maktabat al-Ma)b&"!t al-Isl!miyyah, 1970); 'Uddat al-$#bir!n wa-dhakh!rat al-sh#kir!n, ed. Zakariyy! "Al$ Y&suf (Beirut: D!r al-Kutub al-"Ilmiyyah, 1972); Kit#b al-$al#h wa-&ukm t#rikih#, ed. Qu%ayy Mu(ibb al-D$n al-Kha)$b (Cairo: Qu%ayy Mu(ibb al-D$n al-Kha)$b, 1974); al-D#( wa’l-daw#( aw al-Jaw#b al-k#f! li-man sa(ala 'an al-daw#( al-sh#f!, ed. Mu(ammad Jam$l Gh!z$ (Jeddah: Maktabat al-Madan$ wa-Ma)b&"!tuh!, 1978); al--aw#'iq al-mursalah 'al# ’l-jahmiyyah wa’lmu'a**ilah, ed. Zakariyy! "Al$ Y&suf as Mukhta$ar al-$aw#'iq al-mursalah 'al# ’ljahmiyyah wa’l-mu'a**ilah ("+bid$n: Ma)ba"at D!r al-Bay!n, 1981, repr. Cairo: Maktabat al-Mutanabb$, n.d.); ed. "Al$ ibn Mu(ammad al-Dakh$l All!h (Riyadh: D!r al"+%imah, 1998); al-Fur%siyyah, ed. A(mad al-Mukh!)ib$ (Rabat: al-Majlis al-Qawm$ li’l-Thaq!fah al-"Arabiyyah, 1987); +ar!q al-hijratayn wa-b#b al-sa'#datayn, ed. "Umar ibn Ma(m&d Ab& "Umar ([Riyadh]: D!r Ibn al-Qayyim, 1988); al-W#bil al-$ayyib min al-kalim al-*ayyib, ed. Mu(ammad "Al$ Ab& ’l-"Abb!s (Cairo: Maktabat al-Qur'!n, 1989); Naqd al-manq%l wa’l-mi&akk al-mumayyiz bayna ’l-mard%d wa’l-maqb%l, ed. *asan al-Sam!($ Suwayd!n (Beirut: D!r al-Q!dir$, 1990); Kashf al-ghi*#( 'an &ukm sam#' al-ghin#(, ed. Rab$" ibn A(mad Khalaf (Beirut: D!r al-J$l, 1992); Jal#( al-afh#m f! ’l-$al#h wa’l-sal#m 'al# khayr al-an#m, ed. Niz!r Mu%)af! al-B!z (Mecca and Riyadh: Maktabat Niz!r Mu%)af! al-B!z, 1996). 205 Translations Natural Healing with the Medicine of the Prophet: From the Book of the Provisions of the Hereafter by Imam Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah (1292-1350 C.E.), tr. and emended by Muhammad al-Akili (Philadelphia: Pearl Publishing House, 1993); Patience and Gratitude: An Abridged Translation of "Uddat al-$#bir!n wa-dhakh!rat alsh#kir!n, tr. Nasiruddin al-Khattab (London: Ta-Ha Publishers, 1997); Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya: Medicine of the Prophet, tr. Penelope Johnstone (Cambridge: The Islamic Texts Society, 1998); Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah on the Invocation of God: Al-W#bil al--ayyib min al-Kalim al+ayyib, tr. Michael Abdurrahman Fitzgerald and Moulay Youssef Slitine (Cambridge UK: The Islamic Texts Society, 2000); The Legal Methods in Islamic Administration, translated with commentary by Ala’eddin Kharofa (Kuala Lumpur: International Law Book Services, 2000). Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah is the laqab (agnomen) of Shams al-D$n Ab& Bakr Mu(ammad ibn Ab$ Bakr al-Zur"$, a prolific fourteenth-century Damascene scholar who is chiefly known as the most devoted disciple and exegete of the *anbal$ theologian and jurisconsult Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328). In his writings Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah, of the *anbal$ school of law and theology, strove to implement his master’s doctrine, especially the principle of al-wasa* (the golden mean), the attempt to synthesize different and sometimes contradictory theological trends into a complete and unshakable doctrine. The basis of both Ibn Taymiyyah’s and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s endeavors is a devout adherence to the precepts and exact wording of the Qur’an and Hadith (the traditions related from the Prophet and his Companions), as well as to ijm#" (consensus on matters of doctrine) and the teachings of the salaf (ancestors, i.e. the followers of the Prophet in the first three centuries of Islam), along with a laborious effort to integrate them with some of the doctrines of kal#m (speculative theology). Although Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah suffered his share of persecution by Ibn Taymiyyah’s IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH ideological rivals, namely scholars who belonged to the religious establishment of the Mamluk state (r. 1250-1517, Egypt and Syria), he was nevertheless much appreciated by his contemporaries, regardless of their theological and jurisprudential affiliation, being the author of several key works on Hadith and Islamic law. All the medieval biographers of Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah describe him as a scholar who achieved his prestigious status as the prominent disciple and heir of his master through hard work and dedication to scholarship. They are unanimous that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah became one of the greatest scholars in tafs!r (Qur’anic exegesis), Hadith, fiqh (Islamic law) and u$%l al-d!n (theology). He mastered both traditionalist theology, which draws its authority solely from divine revelation and tradition (naql) and the teachings of the ancestors (salaf) of the Muslim community, along with speculative theology (kal#m), which gives precedence to human reason ('aql) in the process of perceiving God and the world. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s writings are wide-ranging and cover almost every field in the Islamic sciences. Most of his theological writings represent an elaborate attempt to simplify and clarify his master’s doctrines and views. Thus, in order to have the fullest comprehension of his works, one must first be acquainted with Ibn Taymiyyah’s works and precepts. The most conspicuous feature of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s writing is his insertion of whole paragraphs and even chapters of his master’s works into his own writings, though always clearly identifying his sources. This mimetic writing is probably the source of the tendency in contemporary research to perceive Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah as a mere epigone, however competent he might be, of Ibn Taymiyyah, thus leading to an unjustified neglect of his works. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s contemporaries, however, probably understood his mimetic writing in accordance with the conventions of their times, as a distinct mark of his thoroughgoing erudition. It is noteworthy that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah succeeds in developing independent views that are sometimes remote from his master’s ideas and even inconsistent with them. Such ideas are often disguised by heavily ornamented sentences, IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH typical of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s style. The very few studies that have been conducted on themes in the works of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s reveal the distinctive lines of his thought, mainly in the field of theology. The biographical sources do not disclose any details about the circumstances in which Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works were written. The author himself does not refer to any chronology of writing in any of his works, and only a few of them allude to milestones in his life. Nevertheless, in many cases the author refers to earlier works, thus establishing a partial basis for an approximate chronology. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah did not have a benefactor to whom he dedicated his works, so they do not include introductions in saj' (rhymed prose) praising Mamluk officials or other patrons. Since the state of research on Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s literary corpus is still embryonic, and since there have been only very few attempts to periodize and categorize Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works, the chronology suggested in this entry is necessarily provisional. In most of his works, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah refers to Ibn Taymiyyah as being already deceased, a fact which indicates that these works were composed after 1328. Even so, it is possible that the formula ra&imahu ’ll#h (May God have mercy upon him) and other equivalents after Ibn Taymiyyah’s name were inserted by a copyist after the completion of a specific work. Thus, the appearance of this formula does not necessarily mean that the work in which it occurs was actually composed after 1328. Furthermore, it is highly likely that some of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s key works were conceived while imprisoned between 1326 and 1328 in the Citadel of Damascus; thus, the possibility that he was engaged not only in studying but also in writing during that period cannot be entirely excluded. In spite of these reservations, the basic assumption in this entry follows the guidelines that Joseph N. Bell has developed in his pioneering monograph Love Theory in Early ,anbalite Islam (1979). According to Bell, almost all of the works of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah were written after the death of Ibn Taymiyyah, thus covering a period of twenty-three years of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s intellectual 206 development. Birgit Krawietz (2006) has also attempted to catalog the complete literary output of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah and thereby helped to provide a clearer view of his works. Another pivotal study which helped establish the chronology proposed in this entry is Bakr ibn "Abd All!h Ab& Zayd’s Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah: ,ay#tuhu, #th#ruhu, maw#riduhu (Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah: His Life, Works and Sources [1995; rev. ed. 2002]), by far the most comprehensive biography to date on Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. Aside from the problem of dating Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works, a simple enumeration of them has yet to be done, and thus it has not yet been determined how many works he actually composed. At least four works mentioned in the biographical sources or in his own works are not extant; they are considered in this entry to be early works: al-Mawrid al-$#f! (The Clear Spring), al-Tu&fah al-makkiyyah (The Precious Gift from Mecca), Ma'rifat al-r%& (Knowledge of the Soul) and al-Fut%&#t alqudsiyyah (The Jerusalem Triumphs). The last title probably alludes to Ibn al-"Arab$’s (d. 1240) al-Fut%&#t al-makkiyyah (The Meccan Triumphs). Conversely, a number of works have been wrongly attributed to Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. The most conspicuous example is that of Akhb#r al-nis#( (Reports about Women), a monograph on the attributes of eminent Muslim women. The monograph, which is not mentioned at all in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s list of works as it appears in biographies written about him, was probably composed by the famous *anbal$ scholar "Abd al-Ra(m!n Ibn al-Jawz$ (d. 1201), the author of important works on theology and jurisprudence, such as Talb!s Ibl!s (The Deception of Satan). Ibn al-Jawz$ composed a work entitled A&k#m al-nis#( (Laws regarding Women), whose content is different from Akhb#r al-nis#(. Nevertheless, Akhb#r al-nis#( appears in a list of Ibn al-Jawz$’s works in several biographies, which leads to the conclusion that it is indeed his work. Another tendency in the Arabic publishing world regarding Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works is to publish one work under different titles, or to publish portions of large works as short independent works. This tendency often 207 leads to misconceptions, as in the case of the booklet published under the title Fat#w# ras%l All#h (The legal responsa of the Prophet, Cairo: al-Maktabah al-Tawf$qiyyah, 2000; it has been republished since 1980 by different presses, under the names of different editors). In the short introduction to this work, the editor, Khayr$ Sa"$d presents it as an original work by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, containing responsa (fat#w#, sg. fatw#) of the Prophet, collected from Hadith literature. Nevertheless, Fat#w# ras%l All#h is merely taken from the last volume of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s I'l#m al-muwaqqi'!n (to be discussed below). The case of Bad#(i' al-tafs!r (The Amazing Items of Qur’anic Exegesis, Damm!m: D!r Ibn al-Jawz$, 1993), reflects an attempt of the editor, Yusr! al-Sayyid Mu(ammad, to construct a comprehensive tafs!r (Qur’anic exegesis), which Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah never composed, by collecting his commentary on various Qur’anic verses from extant works. The publication of this inauthentic tafs!r merely underscores the need to determine the actual number of authentic works by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. Several attempts to compile Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s tafs!r are described in detail by Krawietz. Although it is impossible at present to offer a complete chronology of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works, a provisional periodization of his theological works is possible. Through textual analysis and scrutiny of style and themes, it is possible to divide his works into early, middle and later periods. After Ibn Taymiyyah’s death, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah wrote several monographs that displayed his broad education and deep grasp of various topics in the Islamic sciences. The main feature of these early works is a less-developed prose style and heavy reliance on Hadith and other relevant sources. The earlier works tend to focus on one genre (e.g., Hadith, polemics, Qur’an) or one theme and are thus relatively easy to recognize. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s middle works, classifiable as works on jurisprudence, theology, rhetoric and polemics, allude to Sufi terminology and themes. The later works combine a mature understanding of Sufi doctrines with Ibn Taymiyyah’s principle of al-wasa* (the golden mean). As a competent writer, Ibn Qayyim al- IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH Jawziyyah strictly adheres to the conventions of the four genres of jurisprudence, theology, rhetoric and polemics, not immediately disclosing his Sufi tendencies. His middle works and more so his later works, regardless of their main topic or title, include substantial quotations from Ibn Taymiyyah’s theological, jurisprudential and exegetical thought interwoven with Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s independent approach, mainly in the fields of theology and mysticism. These works transgress generic boundaries by their subtle deployment of Sufi terminology and do not always follow a single theme or a single line of thought. It should be noted that in his later works Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah frequently cites his middle works, hence the division in this entry between these two groups. It is not possible at present to date Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s legal works. Some of his fat#w# survive as monographs, but most of them are either no longer extant or have found their way into his longer works and become assimilated there. However, since not all of these fat#w# have been identified (as noted by Krawietz), it is not yet possible to give a full list of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s legal works, let alone to periodize them. As a consequence, this entry discusses only those legal works that are significantly related to milestones in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s life. Their chronology is only partial and requires further investigation. Like his teacher before him, Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah had a wide circle of disciples, some of whom did not belong to the *anbal$ school of law and theology. Two of his closest students, Ibn Kath!r (d. 1373), of the Sh!fi"$ school of law, and Ibn Rajab (d. 1397), of the *anbal$ school of law, became well-known scholars and biographers. Their works are among the few biographical sources on Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. Ibn Kath$r describes Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah in several places in the fourteenth volume of his annals al-Bid#yah wa’l-nih#yah (The Beginning and the End). Ibn Rajab inserts the biography of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah in his biographical dictionary Dhayl +abaq#t al&an#bilah (Supplement to the Biographical Dictionary of the *anbal$ School). Although Ibn Rajab’s is the most detailed biography of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, it is still markedly suc- IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH cinct and relies on an earlier biography that appears in al-Mu'jam al-mukhta$$ bi’l-mu&addith!n (The Dictionary of Traditionists) by the Damascene historian Mu(ammad ibn A(mad alDhahab$ (d. 1348 or 1352-3), who was also familiar with Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, and possibly one of his students. The fourteen-year-old Ibn Rajab was a student of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah for a mere year, after which his master died, while al-Dhahab$ had a longer acquaintance with him. Other important biographical sources for the life of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah are in the works of his contemporary, the Damascene historian al-"afad! (d. 1363). Relatively detailed biographies of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah are also to be found in the works of later scholars such as the Sh!fi"$ Hadith exegete and biographer, Ibn *ajar al-"Asqal!n$ (d. 1449), the Sh!fi"$ biographer of Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn N!%ir al-D$n al-Dimashq$ (d. 1438) and the notable Qur’an exegete and prolific scholar Jal!l al-D$n al-Suy#$! (d. 1505). All of these biographers describe Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah in a distinctly admiring tone. Ibn Rajab, for example, emphasizes Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah’s great erudition in regard to Qur’an and Hadith. Although, says Ibn Rajab, he was by means ma'$%m (infallible), no one could compete with him in the understanding of the texts. Ibn Kath$r gives a more down-to-earth description of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah: “He was the most affectionate person. He was never envious of anyone, nor did he hurt anyone. He never disgraced anyone, nor did he hate anyone.” Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was born in 1292, probably in Damascus, to the Zur"$ family. The nisbah (adjective) al-Zur"$ denotes the family’s origin from the village al-Zur", whose original name, according to the geographer Y!q&t al*amaw$ (d. 1229), is al-Zurr!. The village is situated near Damascus. The Zur"$ family was of a humble origin and did not have great scholars among its ranks. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was the first member of the family to achieve fame as a scholar. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s father, Ab& Bakr ibn Sa"d al-Zur"$, worked as the superintendent of Jawziyyah Madrasah, the law college of the *anbal$ school of law, and a court, in Damascus. Thus, his laqab Qayyim al-Jawziyyah (the su- 208 perintendent of al-Jawziyyah Law College), and the son’s laqab, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah (the son of the superintendent of al-Jawziyyah Law College), are simply an indication of the father’s occupation and social status. Another indication of the father’s status is to be found in a verse that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah used to recite, according to one of his biographers: “I am a beggar, and so were my father and grandfather.” Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s father is described by the biographers as a pious and reticent man who was so dedicated to his work that he was found dead one night in the year 1323, having died while at work in al-Jawziyyah College. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah had a younger brother, "Abd al-Ra(m!n ibn Ab$ Bakr Zayn al-D$n alZur"$, who, though also a scholar and a teacher, did not reach his older brother’s stature. The Jawziyyah Madrasah was named after its founder, Mu(y$ al-D$n ibn "Abd al-Ra(m!n ibn al-Jawz$ (d. 1258), the son of "Abd al-Ra(m!n ibn al-Jawz$. The resemblance in the names alJawz$ and al-Jawziyyah has often caused the two scholars to be confused with each other. Most of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s contemporaries do not shorten his laqab to Ibn al-Qayyim, as do modern writers, although there are some references to him as Ibn al-Qayyim in medieval biographical literature. The reason for the consistent refusal of medieval biographers to refer to Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah as Ibn al-Qayyim is probably the existence of several known figures who have the same laqab, each for different reasons. Although belonging to the *anbal$ school of law and theology, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah acquired a wide and solid knowledge in all the branches of the Islamic sciences such as philology, law, jurisprudence and theology, learning from various teachers, some of whom belonged to other schools of law. Since Damascus was considered to be, at that time, an important center of study in the Arabic-speaking Islamic lands, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah did not need to travel far in order to pursue knowledge. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah spent most of his days in Damascus, although al-/afad$ claims that he did in fact travel in order to learn. At any rate, most of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s teachers were Damascene. Among them one finds prominent figures 209 of the *anbal$ school of law and theology, such as Sulaym!n Taq$ al-D$n ibn *amzah ibn A(mad ibn Qud!mah al-Maqdis$ (d. 1315), who was q#)! al-qu)#h (chief judge) of this school in Damascus. Another famous teacher was the Sh!fi"$ q#)! of Damascus, /af$ al-D$n al-Hind$ (d. 1333), also known as one of Ibn Taymiyyah’s interrogators in the famous 1306 trial in Damascus. Among the names of his teachers that of the female traditionist F!)imah bint Jawhar al-Ba"labakkiyyah (d. 1311) is also conspicuous. In the voluminous Z#d al-ma'#d f! hady khayr al-'ib#d (Provisions for the Afterlife, on the Teachings of the Best of All People), probably the last work Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah wrote, he provides a colorful description of one of his most famous teachers, the *anbal$ A(mad ibn "Abd al-Ra(m!n Shih!b al-D$n al-N!bulus$ (d. 1298), whose nickname was al-"+bir (the Dream Interpreter). In the account in Z#d alMa'#d, al-"+bir taught the six year old Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah that wearing jewelry was bound to wreak havoc on a man. “One day a man comes to me,” says the old teacher, “and he tells me that he had a dream of himself wearing a khalkhal (anklet) around his ankle. So I told him that the dream was an indication that his leg would be shaken with pain. And so it was.” The basis for the dream-interpretation here is a linguistic argument since the verb to shake is khalkhala. Al-"+bir demonstrated his skills in ta'b!r (dream interpretation) to the astonished boy, and the latter, who was deeply impressed, asked him to teach him this craft. The teacher refused, however, because Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was too young, in his opinion. All the biographers seem to ignore an important teacher of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s, who may well be the most influential, namely "Im!d al-D$n Ab& ’l-"Abb!s A(mad ibn Ibr!h$m alW!si)$ (d. 1311), a well-known *anbal$ and Sufi teacher, who undertook a commentary on alAn%!r$ al-Haraw$’s (d. 1089) spiritual manual Man#zil al-s#(ir!n (The Stations of Those who Walk along the [Mystical] Way). Al-W!si)$ preached a total devotion to the teachings of the Prophet and the salaf while conducting the ascetic life of a Sufi. Surprisingly enough, one of his former students was Ibn Taymiyyah, who IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH held him in the highest regard. Al-W!si)$’s unfinished attempt to provide a gloss on Man#zil al-s#(ir!n probably inspired Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s most esteemed work on mysticism, Mad#rij al-s#lik!n (discussed below). The biographers also specify the books that the hard-working and eager student read with his teachers, thus portraying the breadth of his formal education. From this list of books, the most conspicuous ones are Fakhr al-D$n al-R!z$’s (d. 1210) al-Mu&a$$al (The Yield), a major Ash"ar$ manual of kal#m, and Sayf al-D$n al-+mid$’s (d. 1233) Kit#b al-I&k#m (The Book of Precision), an important treatise on u$%l al-fiqh (legal theory). Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah learnt these Ash"ar$ works by heart and recited them to at least two of his teachers, /af$ al-D$n al-Hind$ and Ibn Taymiyyah. His knowledge of Ash"ar$ kal#m was, therefore, wide and thorough. According to Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s own avowal, in the poem al-K#fiyah al-sh#fiyah (discussed below), he was enchanted by the subtleties of Ash"ar$ kal#m until he met Ibn Taymiyyah. In verses 2271-4 he describes the typical Ash"ar$ theologian as a bird locked in a cage of destruction. The other birds sitting on a nearby tree feel sorry for that bird, which was caged because of its refusal to eat the sweet fruit from the highest branches of the tree. Apparently it prefers to seek for food in a dunghill. The sweet fruit symbolize the Qur’an and Sunnah, while the dunghill represents the books of the Ash"ar$ theologians. In verses 2274-80 the narrator gives his audience helpful advice: By God, people! Listen to the advice of a compassionate brother who wishes to help you. I have experienced this once, as I, too, was a bird, trapped in a snare. I am forever in debt to this man, whom the Lord with his grace ordained that I would meet. He was a learned man from the Land of ,arr#n. Welcome is the one who comes from ,arr#n! The Lord shall grant him what he deserves: he shall reside in His garden, and enjoy the Lord’s favor. That man grabbed me with both his hands, and he led me, without deserting me, to the place from which Faith rises. The learned man from the “Land of *arr!n” IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH (today located in Turkey near the Syrian border) is Ibn Taymiyyah who in 1313 returned to Damascus after a three-year stay in Cairo and became the most influential figure in the life of the twenty-one-year-old Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. It is quite clear that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah dedicated the next fifteen years of his life to study only with Ibn Taymiyyah, and he soon succeeded in establishing himself as the latter’s senior disciple. Clearly the above verses describe the first encounter between the two, an encounter about which the biographical sources are silent. In verses 2281-4 of al-K#fiyah alsh#fiyah, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah describes enthusiastically his acquaintance with Ibn Taymiyyah’s doctrines, as a tourist making a journey and admiring what he sees: I have seen the flags of the city, in whose surroundings are the camps of the right guidance, in which the troops of the Qur’an reside. I have seen huge monuments hidden from the sight of the gang of the blind. I went down to a water spring, so pure and clear; its pebbles like pearls fixed in crowns. There I have seen goblets, as many as the stars, just waiting for the thirsty passer-by. Since their first encounter, the two men shared the same views and almost the same fate, although their family background, personalities and even circumstances of life were quite different. Ibn Taymiyyah belonged to a well-known family that had already given the *anbal$ school two highly esteemed scholars. Ibn Taymiyyah was described by his contemporaries as an activist in politics, religious polemics and even military affairs. His atypical lifestyle is described by Ibn Rajab. It appears that Ibn Taymiyyah never married and did not associate with women. In comparison, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah conducted a calmer and more conventional life, since he had no involvement in political matters. He had to work for his living as a teacher, as he had a wife and children to support. Although there is no indication of the year in which he started his teaching career, Ibn Kath$r states that he gave lectures and sermons in various mosques and madrasahs in Damascus, including the /adriyyah and Jawziyyah Madrasahs, both of 210 *anbal$ affiliation. Amongst his students one can find, beside the biographers mentioned above, the *anbal$ scholar and biographer Mu(ammad Shams al-D$n ibn A(mad ibn "Abd alH!d$ ibn Qud!mah al-Maqdis$ (d. 1343). A careless reading of al-/afad$ led a modern biographer to conclude that the Sh!fi"$ q#)! al-qu)#h (chief judge) Taq$ al-D$n "Al$ ibn "Abd al-K!f$ al-Subk$ (d. 1355) was his student as well, but he never was. One of al-Subk$’s teachers was a Cairene scholar by the name of "Al$ ibn ".s! ibn al-Qayyim, and not the Damascene Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. A lone and dubious source reports that the celebrated philologist and composer of al-Q#m%s al-mu&!* (The Comprehensive Dictionary), Mu(ammad ibn Ya"q&b al-F$r&z!b!d$ (d. 1414) was a student of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, but that is highly unlikely. Unlike Ibn Taymiyyah, portrayed in the biographical sources as noisy, turbulent and smug, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah seems to have remained unpretentious even after he established himself as a major scholar. The following qa$!dah, written in the *aw!l meter, which al/afad$ claims to have heard from Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah himself (it is also quoted by Ibn *ajar al-"Asqal!n$), is a self-portrait of a very humble scholar who openly and plainly doubts his own merit. It is noteworthy that verse 8 alludes to Qur’an 70:19, 100:6 and 33:72. The closing statement in verse 11 is an allusion to Qur’an 2:18. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah refers to himself throughout the qa$!dah as the little boy (bunayy) of Ab& Bakr (his father’s kunyah, agnomen), thus belittling himself. (1) This is the little boy of Ab% Bakr, whose sins are numerous. Hence the one who decries him is not to be blamed [for doing so]! (2) This is the little boy of Ab% Bakr, who is ignorant of himself. He is also ignorant of the Divine Command, and why should he have knowledge of it at all? (3) This is the little boy of Ab% Bakr, who has taken the front seat for himself, So he disseminates knowledge, while he himself has none. (4) This is the little boy of Ab% Bakr, who as- 211 pires to a communion with the Sublime, While sins are his main interest and occupation. (5) This is the little boy of Ab% Bakr, who wishes to ascend to the Heavenly Garden of Retreat, Although he has no determination to do so. (6) This is the little boy of Ab% Bakr, who sees the benefit in things that are bound to become extinct and perish. Those [are the] things in whose abandonment is actually the greatest prize of all. (7) This is the little boy of Ab% Bakr, who is bound to fail in his efforts, Since he has no share in doing good deeds. (8) This is the little boy of Ab% Bakr, who is, as his Creator says, “Fretful” and “ungrateful.” He is described as sinful and foolish. (9) The little boy of Ab% Bakr and his like became those who lead the creatures By issuing their fat!w! [formal legal opinions]. (10) However, they have no ability when it comes to real knowledge, piety and asceticism. Their main concern is worldly things. (11) I do declare, had the Prophet’s companions seen the most meritorious amongst the little boy of Ab% Bakr and his like, They surely would have said: They are “deaf and dumb.” The low self-esteem that emerges so plainly in this poem seems more than mere stylized modesty. As a disciple of Ibn Taymiyyah, it is not unlikely that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah could not appreciate his own abilities and knowledge, all the more so as long as his master was alive. This could also explain why all of his works were written after 1328. It is clear that the most important event in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s life was his imprisonment in the citadel of Damascus as a result of his association with Ibn Taymiyyah. Ibn Taymiyyah made many enemies within the highest ranks of the religious establishments of Damascus and Cairo after issuing fat#w# on several legal matters, such as a fatw# in which he condemned the popular custom of visiting the tombs of saints IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH (ziy#rat qub%r al-awliy#( wa’l-$#li&!n), thus arousing the anger of senior religious officials as well as the governor of Damascus, the am$r Tankiz (d. 1340). These officials did not accept Ibn Taymiyyah as an independent mujtahid (a jurist qualified to engage in independent legal interpretation). Ibn Taymiyyah was arrested twice, in August 1320 and July 1326. It is certain that during that second imprisonment, in July 1326, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was also imprisoned, along with a group of Ibn Taymiyyah’s followers. As Ibn Kath$r indicates, all his followers were released immediately except for Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah remained in prison for more than two years. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was released only a month after his master’s death in September 1328. It is noteworthy that Ibn Kath$r indicates elsewhere that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was imprisoned from August 1320 until September 1328. This assertion does not correspond with Ibn Kath$r’s description of Ibn Taymiyyah’s release from prison in February 1321 and his second arrest in July 1326. The most detailed account of the circumstances of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s arrest appears in Taq$ al-D$n A(mad ibn "Al$ alMaqr$z$’s (d. 1442) annals. According to alMaqr$z$, immediately after Ibn Taymiyyah’s arrest, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was subjected to harsh corporal punishment. Afterwards he was put on the back of a donkey and led through the streets of Damascus, while the people who led him severely defamed him. After that he was put in the Citadel of Damascus. According to alMaqr$z$, two reasons led to his arrest: the first was a sermon Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah had delivered in Jerusalem in which he decried the visitation of holy graves, including the Prophet Mu(ammad’s grave in Medina, and prayers to prophets and holy men; the second was his agreement with Ibn Taymiyyah’s view on the matter of divorce, which contradicted the view of the majority of scholars in Damascus. Those scholars apparently wrote to the Mamluk sultan in Cairo, who immediately ordered that Ibn Taymiyyah be arrested and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah punished. The time that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah spent in prison receives the fullest description by Ibn IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH Rajab. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah busied himself with recitation of the Qur’an and reflection on various issues arising from the sacred text. This intensive studying in seclusion only benefited him, says Ibn Rajab. It is possible that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, a teacher who needed to provide for his family and educate his offspring, enjoyed the time entirely for himself. Indeed, says his biographer, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah made the most of his time of imprisonment: the immediate result of his delving into the Qur’an while in prison was a series of mystical experiences (described as adhw#q, sg. dhawq, direct experience of the divine mysteries, and maw#j!d, plural of mawj%d, ecstasy occasioned by direct encounter with the Divine Reality). These experiences, emphasizes Ibn Rajab, were of a true nature. As a consequence, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah acquired a great proficiency in the technical vocabulary and argumentations of the Sufis, thus obtaining the ability to decipher their writings. After Ibn Taymiyyah’s death and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s release from prison in 1328, he reestablished his teaching career. A gradual change had occurred in the life of the persistent and humble scholar: From the status of a disciple, situated under the shadow of a vigorous and eccentric mentor, he moved at the age of thirty-six towards the highly esteemed position of an independent teacher. Time was pressing, and surely he felt the need to convey Ibn Taymiyyah’s doctrines to the next generations of scholars. Bolstered by his reputation as Ibn Taymiyyah’s spiritual heir, and because of the persecution he had suffered from the Ash"ar$ religious officials, he was now prepared to continue his master’s work. On the surface, the years that followed Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s release from prison were fruitful and calm. He was engaged in shaping a new image of himself as a prominent scholar and teacher. An indispensable part of this image involved travel in order to meet other scholars. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah started to take long trips, thus radically changing his old habit of spending most of his days in the familiar surroundings of Damascus. His visits to Cairo are mentioned by al-Maqr$z$, although their nature is not clear, nor is it specified when he made 212 them. In a work from the later period of his writing, Igh#that al-lahf#n min ma$#yid al-shay*#n (Rescuing the Distressed from Satan’s Snares), the author refers to one of these visits. It appears that he had discussed medical issues with some senior physicians in Cairo. As he states, he introduced them to a proved method of draining toxins from the body by shaving the head. That way, says Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, the harmful fumes in the body will evaporate. The Egyptian doctors, according to his own testimony, complimented Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah on his knowledge, saying that a journey to the Maghrib (North Africa) when one had this kind of knowledge was bound to be an easy one. More significant are Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s pilgrimages to Mecca. He was thirty-nine when he made his most famous pilgrimage to Mecca, as his name is mentioned among the participants of the official Damascene pilgrimage caravan to Mecca in the year 1331. This participation is a clear indication that his status as a respected scholar had not been damaged by his stay in prison. The early works of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah are roughly divided into two groups: five works written during his several pilgrimages to Mecca, most of which are undated, and nineteen works that were likely written in Damascus. The Meccan works, as with all of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s endeavors, contain innumberable citations from the writings of his predecessors. Since almost all of his biographers, such as Ibn Rajab, Ibn Kath$r and Ibn *ajar, describe Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah as an enthusiastic bibliophile whose book collection was the largest in Damascus, his claim that he wrote some of his works, i.e. the Meccan works, without the assistance of his library is an indication of his extraordinary memory. The Meccan works also contain descriptions of the author’s experiences in Mecca and thus shed further light on his personality, more than his biographers were capable of doing. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah began writing books on Hadith and fiqh, such as Tahdh!b Sunan Ab! D#w%d (The Neat Arrangement of the Hadith collection of Ab& D!w&d, d. 889), an abridged and critical edition of one of the six canonical Hadith collections. Al-/afad$ indicates 213 that this book actually clarifies the defects in Ab& D!w&d’s compilation, a statement which demonstrates the high esteem in which Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was held by his contemporaries. Tahdh!b Sunan Ab! D#w%d, mentioned by its author in relatively early works such as Mift#& D#r al-Sa'#dah and Bad#(i' al-faw#(id, was probably the first work written by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. It was written in Mecca between April and July 1332. According to his own testimony, the author wrote this book while sitting on &ijr Ism#'!l, a paved surface opposite the northwest wall of the Ka"bah, where the graves of Ishmael and his mother Hagar are said to be located, and listening to the sound of water trickling from al-m!z#b, a spout in the north west corner of the roof of the Ka"bah. Another Hadith work that seems to belong to this early stage of writing, although not written in Mecca, is al-Man#r al-mun!f f! ’l-$a&!& wa’l-)a'!f (The Lofty Lighttower, on Authentic and Weak Hadiths), also entitled Naqd al-manq%l wa’lmi&akk al-mumayyiz bayna ’l-mard%d wa’lmaqb%l (Criticism of Hadiths, and the Touchstone which Separates Unacceptable from Acceptable Hadiths). In this short treatise, which was apparently written after Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was asked by his students about how to identify forged Hadith reports (sg. maw)%'), the author introduces methods for evaluating the validity of traditions by criticizing, somewhat unusually, the text of the Hadith (matn) and not the chain of transmitters (isn#d). Thus, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah follows in the footsteps of Ibn al-Jawz$, who wrote a similar work entitled al-Maw)%'#t (Forged Hadiths). Al-Man#r almun!f is divided into various topoi considered dubious by the author, such as Hadiths which deal with the sanctity of the qubbat al-$akhrah (the Dome of the Rock), and it actually encourages the reader to doubt the content of a suspicious report rather than relying on the more traditional method of checking the names of its transmitters in order to establish its credibility. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s earliest work on Islamic law is al-Fur%siyyah (Horsemanship). This monograph, written in Mecca, is mentioned in the monumental work on the principles of Islamic jurisprudence, I'l#m al-muwaqqi'!n 'an rabb al-'#lam!n (Informing the Drafters of Legal IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH Documents about the Lord of All Being). I'l#m al-muwaqqi'!n or rather an early version of it by the name of al-Ma'#lim (Landmarks) is mentioned in several of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works, one of which, al-Tiby#n f! aqs#m alQur(#n, is very early. Therefore, I'l#m almuwaqqi'!n is also considered here as early. Since the content of both works is related to the distressing events that occurred prior to Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s death, both shall be discussed below. The following monograph, Kit#b al-r%& (The Book of the Soul), although based on an even earlier work of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, Ma'rifat al-r%& (Knowledge of the Soul), which is unfortunately no longer extant, fits within the early stage of writing, not only because of a fairly guileless writing style and a heavy reliance on Hadith literature, but also because it is mentioned in another early work, Jal#( al-afh#m. Kit#b al-r%& deals with all aspects of the human soul and the afterlife. Divided into twenty-one major issues (sg. mas(alah), it deals with questions like: What is the difference between r%& and nafs (spirit and soul)? Can the souls of the dead meet with the souls of the living? Kit#b alr%& hardly deals with philosophical and kal#m arguments, although in some issues, for example the issue of tan#sukh (the transmigration of the soul from one body to another), the author might have used such arguments in order to fortify his stand. The author relies on Hadiths and the sayings of the salaf only, without developing an original set of arguments of his own. Nevertheless, this is, as Krawietz indicates, an especially thorough investigation of the topic. The early monograph Jal#( al-afh#m f! ’l$al#h wa’l-sal#m 'al# khayr al-an#m (Enlightening Minds concerning the Prayer and Invoking Blessings on [the Prophet Mu(ammad], Who Is the Best of Humankind) deals with the notion of the effectiveness of prayers, while relying heavily on Hadith material. Pivotal to Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah’s thought, the idea of the benefits of prayers is elaborated in his early theological works, like al-D#( wa’l-daw#(. The monograph Kit#b al-$al#h wa-&ukm t#rikih# (The Book of Prayer and the Legal Ruling on One Who Fails to Perform It), which deals with the same topic as Jal#( al-afh#m, is presumably from the same IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH period. Another monograph typical of his early stage of writing is al-Tiby#n f! aqs#m al-Qur(#n (Explaining the Oaths in the Qur’an), which opens with the meaning of the word qasam (oath, pl. aqs#m), and then deals with Qur’anic verses of an exclamatory nature. Al-W#bil al-$ayyib min al-kalim al-*ayyib (The Heavy Shower of Good Utterances), which deals with the invocation of God, gained extrodinary popularity worldwide, as Krawietz has shown. As a teacher, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah used to teach the biography of Ibn Taymiyyah from sources that are no longer extant and to read with his students his own works as well as Ibn Taymiyyah’s. Gradually he established his position as an important participant in public debates (sg. mun#"arah) on theological matters. A description of one of these public debates, which took place in Egypt, appears in al-Tiby#n as well as in another early monograph entitled Hid#yat al-&ay#r# f! ajwibat al-yah%d wa’l-na$#r# (Guiding the Bewildered, on Responses to the Jews and Christians). Apparently, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah confronted “one of the greatest scholars and leaders of the Jews.” In this case, neither the topic of the debate nor the arguments of the Jewish scholar are disclosed, since Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah prefers to concentrate on his attacks on the Jews, who, by accusing the Prophet Mu(ammad of being a false prophet, are “abusing the name of God.” The Jewish scholar, probably familiar with the good-natured Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, was clearly astonished by the latter’s attack on the Jews, and said: “You, of all people, say such things!” Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah explained his stand against the Jews in detail and in a much calmer tone, and after he finished his speech, the Jewish scholar responded: “Indeed he is a true prophet. Whoever follows him, will succeed and be happy.” “So why not convert and join his religion?” suggested Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah enthusiastically. Qur’an 2:78 echoes in the polite response of the Jewish scholar: “He [Mu(ammad] was sent to those illiterates not having a revealed scripture. However we already have a scripture to follow.” To that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah responded angrily: the true Prophet was sent with a true message, and those who refused to follow him, Jews and Christians alike, were condemned to 214 burn in Hell. The Jewish scholar refrained from answering. The years after Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s release from prison were also dedicated to establishing his status as a muft! (a jurist qualified to give formal legal opinions). Like Ibn Taymiyyah before him, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah received requests from individuals seeking his legal opinion. As an independent scholar unattached to the religious establishment in Damascus, the responsa he wrote soon caught the attention of the authorities. One such response is Kashf al-ghi*#( 'an &ukm sam#' al-ghin#( (Lifting the Veil from the Legal Ruling on Listening to Singing), which provides Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s opinions on music, dancing and Sufi practices, in accordance with Ibn Taymiyyah’s views on these matters as elaborated in his work entitled al-Istiq#mah (The Upright Posture). As a muft!, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah did not maintain a low profile, and so gradually provoked the annoyance of religious officials. One of his highly esteemed legal works, the twovolume A&k#m ahl al-dhimmah (Laws Regarding the Dhimm$s, members of legally recognized and protected religious minorities), which follows Hid#yat al-&ay#r#, deals with laws governing Jewish, Christian and Sabaean subjects of the Muslim state, who, according to Islamic law, enjoy the protection of the state after paying the jizyah (a poll tax). According to Krawietz, this work is without doubt the main late-medieval reference regarding religious minorities in the Islamic Lands. It begins with several questions addressed to the author about the jizyah, gives a historical survey of the caliphs’ approaches to the dhimm!s throughout the generations, and then deals with questions that likely arose in everyday life: Is it permissible to eat meat butchered by a dhimm!? Is it permissible to trade with a dhimm!? What becomes of a dhimm! couple if one of its members embraces Islam? All these questions, and many more, contain bits and pieces of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s theological views. That is why this work is often quoted by its author in his other theological works. This is also a clear indication of its early date among Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works. Another legal work of great importance is al+uruq al-&ukmiyyah f! ’l-siy#sah al-shar'iyyah 215 (The Ways of Governance, on Islamic Law regarding Rule), which deals with all aspects of governance. The work follows Ibn Taymiyyah’s ideas as reflected in his al-Siy#sah al-shar'iyyah (Islamic Law regarding Rule). Both works convey the conviction that if the ruler follows the divine law, there will be no conflict between the requirements of the state and of Islamic law. After gaining confidence as a debater, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah started to delve into more complex issues. This led him to undertake works on dogmatic theology and to refute therein doctrines he considered dubious. His first such theological work, which represents a very early stage in his writing and stands out in particular is alK#fiyah al-sh#fiyah f! ’l-inti$#r li’l-firqah aln#jiyah (The Sufficient and Healing [Poem] on the Vindication of the Saved Sect). This work is a qa$!dah (rhyming ode) of nearly six thousand verses in the k#mil meter. The repeated loose rhyme (q#fiyah mu*laqah) throughout is -an!, thus giving the qa$!dah its other name, alQa$!dah al-N%niyyah (The Ode Rhyming in -n-). This elegant work combines Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s illustrious skills in the Arabic language with the theological tenets that he absorbed as a result of his association with Ibn Taymiyyah. It deals with the major theological questions that most concerned Ibn Taymiyyah: the divine attributes, predetermination and eschatological matters. The qa$!dah is a strong refutation of Mu"tazil$ and Ash"ar$ views. For example, verses 53-5 offer Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s interpretation of the Ash"ar$ theory of kasb (acquisition), according to which, when God creates man’s acts He also creates in him the ability to “acquire” them. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah sees the kasb doctrine as a complete negation of man’s responsibility for his actions: According to them, man is no agent, And his action is like a movement caused by shivering, And the blowing of the wind, Or the walking of a man in his sleep, Like the trees when they bend down. God will cause him to burn in Hell, Because of the actions he did not commit. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s second theological work is Ijtim#' al-juy%sh al-isl#miyyah 'al# IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH ghazw al-mu'a**ilah wa’l-jahmiyyah (Mustering the Islamic Armies to Attack the Mu"a))ilah and the Jahmiyyah). The Mu"a))ilah, literally those who practice ta'*!l (negation of God’s attributes), is a common pejorative term used by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah and Ibn Taymiyyah before him to refer to the Mu"tazilah (a theological movement committed to the idea of free will), because of their approach towards the theological question of God’s attributes. They denied the existence of the substantives in God’s essence, as opposed to Sunni theologians, and the Ash"ar$ theologians above all, who speak of God’s attributes as real existents. The Jahmiyyah is a sect of dubious historicity named after its alleged founder, Jahm ibn /afw!n (d. 746). In their writings Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah give the name Jahmiyyah to various groups that they despise: especially the Ash"ar$s, who represent the Sunni branch of rationalistic kal#m, and the monist Sufis, who followed Ibn al"Arab$. Since Ash"ar$ kal#m impressed senior officials of the Mamluk state, and since the writings of Ibn al-"Arab$ were also highly appreciated by those officials, Ijtim#' al-juy%sh alisl#miyyah is a genuinely representative example of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s technique of expressing disagreement with the authorities through inter-Islamic polemics. A simple and unpretentious work, Ijtim#' al-juy%sh alisl#miyyah presents the traditionists’ method of refuting the arguments of the Mu"tazilah in the matter of God’s attributes, namely by quoting the Qur’an, Hadith and numerous sayings of the salaf, but without using any rationalistic argumentation. In this respect, Ijtim#' al-juy%sh alisl#miyyah is a tedious list of quotations. However, it provides the sources of Ibn Taymiyyah’s and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s approach to the issue of divine attributes, which can be summed up by the formula bi-l# ta'*!l wa-l# tashb!h wal# tamth!l, i.e. dealing with those attributes without negating them (ta'*!l), as the Mu"tazilah do, without taking an anthropomorphic approach (tashb!h), as some extreme traditionists tend to do, and most of all, without comparing God and His attributes to creation (tamth!l). Although Ijtim#' al-juy%sh does not represent the peak of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s literary output, he considered it important and often quotes from it IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH in his later works. Al-D#( wa’l-daw#( (The Malady and the Remedy) is presumably the third theological work written by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. Known also as al-Jaw#b al-k#f! li-man sa(ala 'an al-daw#( al-sh#f! (The Sufficient Answer to Be Given to the One Who Seeks a Cure), al-D#( wa’l-daw#( deals with “diseases of the heart,” a favorite theme of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, and the ways to cure them. Hypocrisy, vanity, envy and homosexuality are dealt with in this book as diseases that can be cured by intensive prayer, doing good deeds and conducting a devout life. A monograph written after Ijtim#' al-juy%sh, which it quotes, is ,#d! al-arw#& il# bil#d alafr#& (The Leader of Souls to the Land of Joys). It is a sixty-nine chapter compilation of Hadiths describing Heaven, with Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s comments on every one of them. The work opens with an impressive qa$!dah by the author (the closing verses of this qa$!dah are quoted at the end of this entry). In addition to the Tahdh!b Sunan Ab! D#w%d, mentioned above, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah wrote several other important works in Mecca. According to his biographers, during his stays in Mecca he made a tremendous impression on the people of the city because of his great devotion in performing the rituals of the pilgrimage. He was particularly fond of performing additional *aw#fs (circumambulation of the Ka"bah), as part of the pilgrimage rites. Although they were used to the pious behavior of pilgrims, this insistence greatly impressed the Meccans. The spiritual atmosphere of Mecca and the tranquility he felt away from the vigorous Damascene life stimulated him to compose his first mature work (Bell, 1979), which combines theology with natural sciences and pseudo-sciences. This work, Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah wa-mansh%r wil#yat al-'ilm wa’l-ir#dah (The Key to the Abode of Happiness and the Decree of the Sovereignty of Knowledge and Will), is often quoted in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works on spiritualism. The enigmatic phrase mansh%r alwil#yah (the decree of sovereignty) which appears in the title of this piece alludes to the Sufi concept of dhikr (a constant remembrance of God, often accompanied by the ritual, rhythmic chanting of the word All!h as an ecstatic tech- 216 nique). “The dhikr,” says Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah in his greatest work, Mad#rij al-s#lik!n, “is like a decree of sovereignty. He who is given it reaches [the spiritual experience]. He who is denied it is cut off [from spiritual experience].” At the end of the sixty-page introduction to the book, he explains that he had written the work after experiencing several mystic stages in Mecca. Even so, Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah cannot be considered a manual of spirituality. It is meant to demonstrate “a theodicy of optimism or a best-of-all-possible-worlds theodicy” (Hoover, 2002), a view which the author shares with Ibn Taymiyyah. This view sees a wise purpose (&ikmah) in every aspect of creation. Hence, Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah contains a thorough discussion of the world of animals and the wise purpose behind their being created the way they are, drawing on zoology, botany, astrology and human anatomy. Unlike earlier works, Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah invites the believer to seek the remedies for his body and soul in Islamic law. “People are in more need of the shar!'ah than of anything else,” says the author in the introduction to the second part of the work. “There is no comparison between their need of the shar!'ah and their need of medical science. It is common knowledge that most of the world’s population leads healthy lives without the assistance of a doctor. A doctor is to be found only in several big cities. As for the Bedouins, inhabitants of small villages and, in fact, the majority of humankind, they do not need doctors, as they are actually healthier and stronger and have a better temperament than those who constantly consult their doctors.” The answer to this paradox, according to Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, is that these people live according to their inherent nature (fi*rah) or the way that God has created them. Regaining the fi*rah is possible for Muslims, since the shar!'ah guides them to a healthier way of life, one that is in accordance with the fi*rah. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah refers to his stay in Mecca in Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah. “Once I attended a meeting in which all the prominent figures in the city participated. The question on the agenda was which of the two plants, grape or date palm, is more beneficial to people?” After a very heated debate, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah 217 finally stood up, and gave the astonished crowd a learned lecture, combining his knowledge in Hadith, Arabic philology and local agriculture, and set the matter straight: although the date palm is more beneficial to the people of this area, they cannot exclude the benefits of grapes, which do not grow in the Hijaz (that part of Western Arabia where Mecca and Medina are located). “On top of everything else,” he lamented, “you were interpreting a Prophetic saying wrongly to make your point.” In another chapter of Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah, which deals with the benefits of honey versus the benefits of sugar, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah reveals that “During my stay in Mecca I was struck by several illnesses, but there were no doctors and no medicines in Mecca, unlike other cities. Eventually I was cured by [eating] honey and [drinking] the water of zamzam [a holy well in Mecca]. My recovery seemed like a miracle to me.” As noted, Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah was presumably composed in Mecca, away from the author’s rich library. The absence of his books is mentioned also in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s other Meccan works. In Bad#(i' al-faw#(id (Amazing Benefits), which deals with grammar, rhetoric, poetics, Qur’an and Hadith, he apologizes: “I wish the reader to forgive me for writing this work while being away from my books and unable to refer to them.” A similar statement appears in Raw)at al-mu&ibb!n wa-nuzhat almusht#q!n (The Garden of Lovers and the Promenade of Those Who Yearn), which deals with love from a theological point of view: “Whoever takes this book in his hands should forgive its author for writing this book away from his home and without his books.” After completing Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was ready to confront the complexities of major theological problems. All of his later works, except one, were apparently written in Damascus. The later works are interwoven in a network of citations and allusions. The mention of Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah in five of these later works indicates that it is a relatively early work. Mad#rij al-s#lik!n specifically mentions eight of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s early and later works, but also contains numerous citations from unnamed books. Z#d al-ma'#d (Provisions for the Afterlife), which is the only IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH work of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah to quote from Mad#rij al-s#lik!n, is probably his last work. Shif#( al-'al!l f! mas#(il al-qa)#( wa’l-qadar wa’l-&ikmah wa’l-ta'l!l (Healing the Person Afflicted with Wrong Concepts about Predetermination, Wisdom and Causality) is unique among Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works, offering a profound analysis of the problem of predetermination (al-qa)#( wa’l-qadar), which is one of the key questions in Islamic theology. The work is conveniently organized, beginning with a wide overview of all the Hadith material on the issue of al-qa)#( wa’l-qadar, moving on to an exposition of the intra-Islamic polemic on this issue and then dissecting it into its component parts. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s ideas are delicately and almost invisibly interwoven in long paragraphs that present his master’s views. In most cases, he uses Ibn Taymiyyah’s assertions and ideas as a platform to introduce his own ideas, even though these latter are hard to trace between the heavily ornamented phrases he inserts, thus stamping the trademark of his eloquent writing. Shif#( al-'al!l reveals Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s Sufi inclinations, mostly in its third chapter. It applies the principle of al-wasa* in full: while accepting some aspects of the Ash"ar$ dogma regarding predetermination and accepting some aspects of the Mu"tazil$ doctrine of free will, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah molds a formula of “soft determinism,” which enables the believer to accept the precept of predetermination alongside a profound notion of responsibility for his own actions. A few years after the completion of Shif#( al'al!l, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah composed another piece of major importance, al--aw#'iq almursalah 'al# ’l-jahmiyyah wa’l-mu'a**ilah (Thunderbolts Directed against the Jahmiyyah and the Mu"a))ilah). This work elaborates the author’s arguments against the Mu"tazil$ approach to the issue of the divine attributes and may be considered a mature version of Ijtim#' al-juy%sh al-isl#miyyah. Among his contemporaries Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah gained a reputation as a gifted composer of aphorisms. For example, Ibn N!%ir alD$n al-Dimashq$ cites seven aphorisms of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, the most famous being bi’l-$abr wa’l-yaq!n tun#l al-im#mah f! ’l-d!n: IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH The status of a religious leader is gained only through patience and certain knowledge. The main sources of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s sayings are his monographs on religious ethics. A fine representative of this kind of monograph is al-Faw#(id (The Benefits), which was composed after Shif#( al-'al!l. Al-Faw#(id includes a rich collection of maxims and epigrams attributed to Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, alongside short yet profound analyses of several Qur’anic passages. “Drinking from the [cup] of whim and pleasure is sweet, but it is bound to make you choke,” says Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. And also: “He who remembers that the trap can make him choke, will easily and lightheartedly abandon the grain [he has found].” AlFaw#(id is divided into short chapters entitled f#(idah, which literally means a thing to be benefited from, but in this context it refers to a moral lesson. Hence, every f#(idah conceals a notion, remark, prayer or textual interpretation that is bound to bestow upon the reader significant benefits. As a single-themed work it surely fits the early stage of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s works, although its opening suggests that it was probably arranged posthumously by one of his students or even sons: “The shaykh and imam, the reviver of the Sunnah, the suppressor of bid'ah [disapproved innovation], Ab& "Abd All!h, also known as Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, may God have mercy upon him and be pleased with him, said …” Some of the faw#(id reveal Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s approach to the interpretation of various Qur’anic verses and even short Suras. A strong influence of Ash"ar$ kal#m is detectable in the f#(idah that deals with “two ways to know God” (*ar!q#n li-ma'rifat All#h). The first is “to contemplate the objects of His actions” (al-na"ar f! maf'%l#tihi), while the second is to think about the signs (#y#t) that God bestows upon His creation; not only the signs of creation that are perceived by the eyes, but also those which are perceived by the ears, namely the verses (#y#t) of the Qur’an. These verses demand a process of analysis, which leads to a complete understanding. Thus, Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah follows the Ash"ar$ rationalistic approach, which demands the use of reason ('aql) in the process of knowing God and His creation, alongside a dedicated delving into the Qur’an 218 and Hadith. As his work progressed, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s interest in Sufi practices and doctrines gradually intensified. It was not so far from the interest that Ibn Taymiyyah himself had shown in Sufism. Nevertheless, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah certainly surpassed his master in that field. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah became more and more absorbed in Sufi thought as the years went by. A great deal of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s biography is dedicated to his everyday life as an extremely devoted Sufi. The following is a description by Ibn Rajab: “He was a very pious man, who spent his nights in prayer. He used to prolong his prayer to the maximum possible extent. He spoke of God constantly. He was burning with the love [of God], with turning repentantly [to God] and asking His forgiveness… He threw himself in front of Him as a sign of his obedience. Never have I seen anyone who behaved like him in these matters.” When taken at face value, these descriptions seem exaggerated, but they seek only to characterize Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah as a mystic using various techniques such as intense meditation and remembrance of God’s name (dhikr) in order to reach the desired mystical state. Ibn Kath$r emphasizes that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s conduct during prayer was unique and aroused many condemnations from other *anbal$s. However, he was unwilling to change his ways to conform to public taste. The following description of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah is found in several sources: “When he prayed the morning prayer, he used to sit in his place and recite the name of God until daybreak. When he was asked about it, he said, ‘This is my [special] time in the morning. If I am not nourished by [performing this action] in the morning, I lose my strength.’” The fruit of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s laborious efforts in the field of Sufism are his later works +ar!q al-hijratayn wa-b#b al-sa'#datayn (The Road of the Two Migrations and the Gate Leading to Two Joys), 'Uddat al-$#bir!n wadhakh!rat al-sh#kir!n (Implements for the Patient and Provisions for the Grateful), Igh#that al-lahf#n min ma$#yid al-shay*#n (Rescuing the Distressed from Satan’s Snares), but first and foremost Mad#rij al-s#lik!n bayna man#zil 219 iyy#ka na'budu wa-iyy#ka nasta'!n (Stages of the Travellers Between the Stations of “Thee only we serve; to Thee alone we pray for Succor” [Qur’an 1:5]). Considered to be Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s masterpiece, Mad#rij als#lik!n is a commentary on al-An%!r$ alHaraw$’s spiritual manual Man#zil al-s#(ir!n (The Stations of Those who Walk along the [Mystical] Way). Al-An%!r$ al-Haraw$’s text is glossed with theological doctrines developed by Ibn Taymiyyah, while Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah gives intellectual justifications for al-An%!r$ alHaraw$’s instructions for moral and pious behavior. Mad#rij al-s#lik!n contains numerous citations from early and later works, such as Mift#& d#r al-sa'#dah, Raw)at al-mu&ibb!n, +ar!q al-hijratayn, al-W#bil al-$ayyib and Igh#that al-lahf#n, to name a few. One of the issues dealt with in Mad#rij als#lik!n is predetermination, since the Sufi, according to the author of the Man#zil al-s#(ir!n, is expected to be pleased with what has been predetermined for him. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah finds a solution that combines his and Ibn Taymiyyah’s activist point of view with the notion of being content with predetermination (al-ri)# bi’l-qadar): “The man who crosses the ocean on board the ship of [divine] decree (saf!nat al-amr) has one mission only: to resist the high waves of predetermination. [He can do that] by using the [power] of the waves, one against the other. If he fails to do so, he will perish. That means that he has to drive predetermination away by using predetermination.” Apart from demonstrating Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s appealing style, which reaches its peak in Mad#rij al-s#lik!n, this short passage reflects Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s two-fold view of predetermination: although one has to acknowledge its existence, one must also fight evil by using the law, that is, the ship of decree that God has given him. This bold view results directly from Ibn Taymiyyah’s thought, which objects to using predetermination as an excuse for not following God’s decree. Thus, Mad#rij al-s#lik!n reflects the theological thought of both Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. Z#d al-Ma'#d, probably the last work written by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, reflects the author’s interest in practical advice for the con- IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH duct of a better life, drawn from Hadiths on the Prophet’s life. Presumably composed in Mecca or during one of the author’s many travels, Z#d al-Ma'#d is a collection of Hadiths and historical accounts of the life of the Prophet Mu(ammad covering all aspects of everyday life, and thus fit to be a book of guidance for the believer and not merely a S!rah (Prophetic biography). The last part of this work gained great popularity as a separate piece entitled al-+ibb al-nabaw! (The Medicine of the Prophet). Here Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah enhances his approach to medicine and combines it with his approach towards spirituality and its influence on human health. This work offers a broad discussion of remedies for mental and physical illnesses mentioned in Hadith literature. Al-+ibb al-nabaw! is divided into two sections: the first section, which is dedicated to different maladies or symptoms, provides methods to deal with various medical conditions; the second section, which is arranged in alphabetical order, describes the benefits of herbs and natural medicines. The author strives to back up his medical observations and suggestions with Hadiths, but a great deal of the material is based on the medieval medical literature, and especially Ibn S$n!’s (d. 1037) al-Q#n%n f! ’l-*ibb (Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine). In al-+ibb al-nabaw!, which conveys the mature insight of its author, Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah reveals his optimistic view that “every malady has its cure,” alongside a realistic perspective that doubts, for example, whether immoral behavior leads to the outbreak of plagues. Tu&fat al-mawd%d bi-a&k#m al-mawl%d (The Gift of the Beloved regarding Laws Dealing with the Newborn) belongs to the category of the medicine of the Prophet. It offers a comprehensive guide to childbirth, caring for babies and raising children in all the stages of their infancy. In the first sixteen chapters of this book the author deals with many practical aspects of caring for infants: naming the newborn on the seventh day of its birth, shaving little children’s heads and slaughtering a lamb to celebrate the occasion, circumcision of male and female newborns, the difference between the urine of male and female babies, what should be done when a baby urinates on one’s clothes, piercing the ears IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH of a female newborn as a religious obligation and ways to deal with disobedient children. Most of the chapters are collections of anecdotes from the Prophet Mu(ammad’s life that depict his tender ways of dealing with children (and sometimes even with cats). For example, in the thirteenth chapter the Prophet holds in his arms a baby girl of one of his Companions while performing the prayer, even when making the obligatory prostrations. In the fourteenth chapter the Prophet kisses his grandsons, which leads Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah to the conclusion that it is highly recommended for a person to kiss his children. Ch. 17, which is the last chapter, differs from the other chapters, as it offers a spiritual overview of human life from conception to death, as well as a discussion on human anatomy and some medical cases, such as the reason for the physical resemblance between parent and child, the reason for breech delivery and why the eight-month-old fetus cannot survive after birth. In this chapter the author also deals with some of the arguments of Hippocrates as known to him from Arabic medical literature. Although Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah relies heavily throughout this book on Qur’anic verses and Hadith literature, the attempt to mold the sacred texts into a one-topic manual is nevertheless impressive. The author’s statement in the book’s beginning conveys quite a modern spirit: “This book will entertain its reader and will be admired by him who reflects on its content. The book is fit for life in this world and in the hereafter. Anyone who is blessed with children is in great need of the contents of this book.” Relying on an undisclosed source, Ab& Zayd claims that Tu&fat al-mawd%d was written as a gift for Burh!n al-D$n, one of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s sons, who became a father. It remains unclear to which period this work belongs. After Ibn Taymiyyah’s death, Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah was arrested at least twice for defending his master’s teachings and fat#w# and refusing to recognize al-Khal$l (Hebron) as a site of Muslim pilgrimage. Unfortunately, it is not known when these imprisonments took place. Ibn Rajab claims that Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was constantly harassed by officials, who used to question him about his convictions. Ibn Rajab uses the verbs umtu&ina (was put to test) and 220 %dhiya (was ill treated) in order to denote the ordeal to which Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was subjected, although he does not give specifics. The verb umtu&ina is a clear reference by Ibn Rajab to the mi&nah (severe trial, sometimes referred to as an inquisition) undergone by A(mad ibn *anbal (d. 855, eponym of the *anbal$ school), a series of interrogations of A(mad ibn *anbal and other traditionalist scholars initiated by the Abbasid caliph alMa'm&n (r. 813-33), who was sympathetic to Mu"tazil$ views. Ibn *anbal stood firm on his principle and refused to admit, in spite of harsh interrogation and torture, that the Qur’an was created by God, as the Mu"tazil$s believed, but insisted instead that it was ghayr makhl%q (uncreated). In 1345 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was attacked by Taq$ al-D$n al-Subk$, the influential Sh!fi"$ chief judge of Damascus, on account of his view permitting the conduct of horse races without the participation of a third competitor (al-mus#baqah bi-ghayr mu&allil). According to Ibn Kath$r, on Friday the sixteenth of Mu(arram (June 1345) Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was the preacher of the Friday prayer in the big mosque in al-Mizzah. After the prayer an argument arose over Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s view, expressed in a fatw# he issued which unfortunately no longer exists. Luckily, his views are clearly expressed in his work al-Fur%siyyah (Horsemanship). This monograph most likely belongs to the early period of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s writings, since the author refers to it in his monumental and much later work on the principles of Islamic jurisprudence, I'l#m almuwaqqi'!n 'an rabb al-'#lam!n (Informing the Drafters of Legal Documents about the Lord of All Being). Al-Fur%siyyah deals with all kinds of riding sports, including camel and horse riding contests, citing many Hadiths on these matters. In the matter of the mu&allil it seems that the general view of the Sunni schools of law was stricter than that of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah. The majority of Sunni jurisprudents ruled that, when two horsemen compete in a race, and both invest a sum of money, the procedure is considered qim#r (a game of chance, gambling), which is a forbidden act according to Islamic law. However, if a third horseman participates in the 221 race without investing his money, the whole process is not considered qim#r. Thus, the race becomes legally permissible, and that is why this third party is called mu&allil, i.e. he who makes something legally permissible. Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah’s views on horse racing—that the presence of the mu&allil is not necessary—is based on Ibn Taymiyyah’s opinion on the subject. Apparently, Taq$ al-D$n al-Subk$ made Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah retract his view after having humiliated him. In 1349, a year before Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s death, a public reconciliation between himself and Taq$ al-D$n al-Subk$ was held under the auspices of the am$r Sayf al-D$n ibn Fa#l, malik al-'arab (a Bedouin am$r). It appears that al-Subk$ resented Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah for giving a great number of fatw#s about *al#q (divorce) that were in accord with the unusual opinion of Ibn Taymiyyah, but inconsistent with the general ruling of the majority of Sunni scholars in Damascus. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah argued that *al#q al-gha)b#n (divorce of the angry, meaning divorcing the wife immediately, without counting three events of domestic quarreling separately from each other) is unacceptable. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s ruling in this case is to be found in I'l#m al-muwaqqi'!n, Shif#( al-'al!l, and Igh#that al-lahf#n. Shortly before his death, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah had a vision in a dream (man#m), one of many symbolic dreams that he had. This dream is described by Ibn Rajab because of its important message. In his dream Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah saw his master, Ibn Taymiyyah. He was curious to know Ibn Taymiyyah’s manzilah (status) in heaven, and the latter indicated that his status was higher than that of some of the senior scholars of Islam throughout the generations, but then added: “You had almost succeeded in joining us [at that prestigious level], but now you have only reached the *abaqah (class) of Ibn Khuzaymah” (a traditionist of the tenth century). This episode seems to symbolize Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s perception of himself as a lesser scholar than his master, in spite of his literary achievements, or just shows humility towards and admiration for his master. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah died on 26 September 1350 (the night of 23 Rajab 751). A IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH prayer for his soul was held in the great mosque in Damascus and he was buried in the cemetery of al-B!b al-/agh$r (the Lesser Gate). Many Damascenes attended his funeral. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah’s sons, Ibr!h$m Burh!n al-D$n (d. 1366) and "Abd All!h Jam!l al-D$n (d. 1355), are mentioned in various biographies by contemporaries as highly esteemed scholars and teachers, though they did not enjoy their father’s prestige. An anecdote about Ibr!h$m demonstrates his ability to silence opponents with his sharp wit: in a public gathering, Ibn Kath$r, who was the student of Ibr!h$m’s father, accused Ibr!h$m of hating him, since he (Ibn Kath$r) belonged to the Ash"ar$ theological school. Ibr!h$m’s response was: “Even if you had been covered with sha'r (hair) from head to toe, people would not have taken you to be Ash"ar$ (lit. hairy), since your teacher is Ibn Taymiyyah!” Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah was perceived by his contemporaries as a pious believer with great spiritual qualities. This combination, which generated a sensitive author able to refine his religious feelings into a powerful literary discourse, is well reflected in a qa$!dah which concludes the biography of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah by the admiring Ibn Rajab. The poem, in the *aw!l meter, made a tremendous impression on the young Ibn Rajab, who heard Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah himself reciting it. The poem, which also opens the work ,#d! al-arw#&, contains a delicate description of Heaven. In its final few verses, the believers who reach Heaven get the greatest reward of all: seeing the Lord with their own eyes. This concept—the ru(yat All#h (vision of God)—is a common theme in Islamic Sunni creeds of all theological tendencies, and in this respect, the poem is a confession of faith and devotion. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah molds the well-known theme into a majestic scene, without neglecting any of the details of this future encounter, as they appear in the eschatological Hadiths. The last verses are a clear reproach to whoever dares to doubt the promise to the believers explicit in the notion of ru(yat All#h, and also a blunt threat: the skeptic is bound to be punished for not believing. If he does not believe because of his ignorance, he will be punished. If he does not believe in spite IBN QAYYIM al-JAWZIYYAH of his familiarity with the eschatological Hadiths, he will be punished more harshly: No one should ever doubt that suddenly they will see this very bright light, Which will illuminate every corner of the heavenly gardens. The Lord of Heaven will be openly revealed to them, Laughing above his heavenly throne, then shall He speak: “Peace be upon you!” And this greeting will be clearly heard by each of them, They shall hear it with their own ears when He greets them. Then He will say: “You may ask me whatever you like, since I am very compassionate regarding everything you wish from me!” To that they shall all respond: “What we ask of You is to please You, since You hold all that is beautiful, and You have compassion.” And that is what He shall give them, and He shall see how they are gathered around Him. Exalted is He! Most generous is He! And you who wish to sell this [notion] in haste for too low a price, As if you do not know: Surely you will know. For if you do not know, then it is a misfortune. But it is a greater misfortune, if you do know [and choose not to believe]. BIOGRAPHIES Shams al-D$n Mu(ammad ibn A(mad al-Dhahab$, al-Mu'jam al-mukhta$$ (bi’l-mu&addith!n), ed. 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Makdisi, Religion, Law and Learning in Classical Islam (Hampshire: Variorum, 1991), 118-29; Fritz Meier, “The Cleanest about Predestination: A Bit of Ibn Taymiyya,” in Fritz Meier, Essays on Islamic Piety and Mysticism (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 309-34; al-Sayyid Ab$ al--ayyib al-Qan&j$ (d. 1890), alT#j al-mukallal min jaw#hir #th#r al-*ir#z al#khir wa’l-awwal, ed. "Abd al-*ak$m Sharaf al-D$n (Bombay: al-Ma)ba"ah al-Hindiyyah al-"Arabiyyah, 1963). IBN S0D0N (ca. 1407 – 1464) ARNOUD VROLIJK University of Leiden WORKS Nuzhat al-nuf%s wa-mu)&ik al-'ab%s (The Pastime of Souls, Bringing a Laugh to a Scowling Face); Durrat al-zayn wa-qurrat al-'ayn (The Pearl of Beauty and the Delight of the Eye). m&d S!lim (Damascus: D!r Sa"d al-D$n, 2001); D!w#n Nuzhat al-nuf%s wa-mu)&ik al-'ab%s, ed. Man!l Mu(arram "Abd al-Maj$d, revised by *usayn Na%%!r (Cairo: D!r al-Kutub wa’lWath!'iq al-Qawmiyyah, Markaz Ta(q$q alTur!th, 2003). Editions Kit#b nuzhat al-nuf%s wa-mu)&ik al-'ab%s, lithographed edition (Cairo: “printed at the expense of Mu(ammad Afand$ Rash$d,” 1863); Bringing a Laugh to a Scowling Face: A Critical Edition and Study of the “Nuzhat al-nuf%s wa-mu)&ik al-'ab%s,” ed. Arnoud Vrolijk (Leiden: Research School CNWS, 1998); Nuzhat al-nuf%s wa-mu)&ik al-'ab%s, ed. Ma(- The Egyptian author "Al$ ibn S&d&n al-Bashbugh!w$, known as Ibn S&d&n, is an unusual figure on the literary scene of fifteenth-century Cairo. He had an Islamic religious training and joined the ranks of the minor clergy, but abandoned his vocation in order to become a poet. He is best known for his collection of light verse and humorous stories and sketches, written

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Mamluk StudiesMamluk HistoryIslamic TheologyIbn TaymiyyaIbn Qayyim al-JawziyyaIbnul Qayyim